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Información general Participantes Resumenes de ponencias Ponencias en inglés Síntesis Declaración Summaries of ponencias Index 1. Conceptual frame for the International Seminar about Participatory Methodologies for Sustainable Forest Development Kees van Dijk 2. Community Forestry: Where's the community now? Marilyn Hoskins 3. Participation of civil society in the management of forest resources Neptalí Monterroso Salvatierra 4. Why a rural development project in rural areas? Luis Eduardo Astorga 5. Two decades of participatory forest development... what was participatory? Chris van Dam 6. The evolution of participatory tools in popular development D'Arcy Davis-Case 7. Application of participatory methodologies in the project "support to community forest development in the Andes of Ecuador" Miguel E. Andrade 8. Cultural exchange, traditional technology and vulnerability Georg Grünberg, Edgar Palma y Sílvel Elías 9. A participatory experience for the management of natural resources - the experience of the project MARENASS César Sotomayor 10. Planning, follow-up and evaluation system for the policy of BILANCE in Colombia Gloria Esperanza Vela Mantilla 11. Seeds for forest development: conflicts, consensus and negotiation between actors Fabricio Aguilar y Dagny Skarwan 12. Indigenous groups and natural resources Romeo Tiu 13. Male and female farmers and indigenous people as protagonists in the defenition of their future development Doralice Ortíz Ortíz 14. Promoting community land use planning in the forestry ejidos of Quintana Roo. Observations and experiences from the field. Dawn Robinson 15. Participatory methodologies for sustainable forest development Margarita Oseguera de Ochoa 16. Forest concessions and community participation in the reserve of the Maya Biosphere, Petén Juventino Gálvez y Fernando Carrera
CONCEPTUAL
FRAME FOR THE INTERNATIONAL SEMINAR ABOUT PARTICIPATORY METHODOLOGIES FOR
SUSTAINABLE FOREST DEVELOPMENT
Kees van Dijk
Two and a half years ago I participated in a mission to evaluate a "Forest Development Project" that was carried out in the Sierra of Cuchumatanes, in the occidental part of Guatemala. One of the key elements for evaluation purposes was verifying the level of PARTICIPATION of female and male farmers and how this was expressed in the activities of the forest project. During the mission, as it often happens, there were moments of reflection with colleagues; we all concluded that the interpretation of the concept PARTICIPATION, by field workers, technicians and professional and directive project personnel, expressed different points of view, according to their interests, but often they supported their views with the same methodologies. Without doubt, everyone was right, but they all expressed different truths, in accordance with their understanding and wish for contributing to the socioeconomic development in the project area. Within this context, we refer to a Latin-American seminar that took place in April 1995 in Quito, Ecuador, about "The challenge of Participatory Forest Development", organized by the Regional Project (FAO - Holanda) Participatory Forest Development in the Andes. During the event we achieved some interesting conclusions and recommendations, but the question arises: "have we advanced in the application of participatory methodologies in these 5 years? After various discussions about forest development and farmer participation and trying to solve problems that arise in the field of development and community forestry projects, the idea for this Seminar-workshop arose. We have high expectations and hope that with the support of all present we can elaborate and stimulate objective reflection about the reality of projects and PARTICIPATION. I see various participants who also were in Ecuador and who will agree with me that by questioning the evolution of community forestry in the past two decades, if during this event it is possible to achieve a level of autocriticism, we will be able to build new scenes, but from a more humanized vision, more in line with the realities of rural populations living in poverty. It pleases me that we are once again together with friends and colleagues, together with whom we have worked many years in community forestry and with whom we have talked about or applied participatory methodologies. In relation to this, I would like to emphasize that despite of the absence of representation of project beneficiaries in this event, it is also a fact that here experience and professionalism of the highest quality and capacity meet, assuring that any resolution of this Seminar-Workshop will be complementary with the proposals of local groups. The past years can be characterized by a changing socio-economic and political reality of countries. In Latin-American countries, many governments work hard on the strenghtening of people's participation. They are committed to foster the role of local authorities in the process in order to assure the democratization of society, the decentralization of administration and the creation of new forms of good governance, fair and coherent with the expectations of the population. We have also witnessed, in the past two decades, important changes of the concepts related with rural development, including "forest development"; it has evolved from the idea that farmers have too little knowledge to be agents of their own development, group members that needed to be organized, where women were invisible, to the current idea, still under construction, which is based on the fact that the men and women in rural communities have the capacity and skills to develop local knowledge, to solve their problems through democratic processes and to use local resources adequately. The role of external agents is changing from an "extension worker" linked to or transmitter of science and technology to a "facilitator" of processes, who respects the social structure and culture of communities, strengthens it through its recognition of local capacity and contributes with their knowledge to the initiation of sustainable processes. In many institutional environments the idea that rural development is based on community self-administration and partnership is gaining force every day. However, experiences show that it can only be achieved when real participation in decision making, in equity in access to opportunities for the use of resources and distribution of benefits of development for rural men and women is obtained. Although there is a general recognition that we have achieved significant changes, many of us also think that we have not achieved what we thought and proposed 20 years ago. It is not a secret that step by step we will be clarifying the huge variety of accumulated concepts, methods, materials and experiences that, however, until today have not been adequately systematized and shared, not allowing the replication of successes and the diminishing of failures to build more convenient roads towards development. "Every work needs appropriate tools and techniques: to plow a yoke is needed. For planning one also needs methods and tools". To facilitate equitable community participation it is necessary to count with methodologies and a range of tools adapting them to every social-cultural context. But it is even more necessary to understand how to use these tools. We understand that a present difficulty refers to the multiple interpretations about "participation", sometimes leading to the confusion, and the erroneous and wrong application of participatory methodologies. J.A. Ashby distinguished, for example, four types of participation:
In the same line we can distinguish two types of planned intervention: (1) top-down, to inform, to persuade or consult (that correspond to the first two levels indicated by Ashby) or (2) the participatory intervention to share decision-making or in the most ideal situation to be a partner in group decisions. Where to locate ourselves is really the big challenge. Rural and forestry development programs need participatory approaches and the intervention of external agents (facilitators), since in the communal management of resources there are many local groups with different interests. The facilitator reinforces or guides the communal management system. In this case, providing guidance means helping, influencing and intervening in the management or application of local processes. Facilitating not only means providing the requested things, but also not requested things or things that satisfy the strategic needs of beneficiaries. There are few development programs that really facilitate or reinforce the communal management using the participatory approaches mentioned before. The majority only offers opportunities for symbolic participation and maintain the decision-making power. However, it is worthwhile noticing that in the past twenty years there has been a slow but definite change in development programs from "top-down interventionists" to "participatory interventionists". There are encouraging signs that show a growing acceptance of participatory methodologies. The question that nevertheless preoccupies us this week is "why haven't the participatory methodologies given us the expected results? To what extent do these methodologies and tools really contribute to a reflection and analysis at grassroots level and at project/institution level? For this reason, there is a need to revise in an objective manner how far we have come with development and application of participatory methodologies and critically analyze which are the facilitating or limiting factors. The general objective of this Seminar-Workshop is to exchange experiences with methodologies and practices aimed at forestry development in rural communities that foster the improvement of the standard of living and the conservation of natural resources. Hopefully, the results can be used as a guide for the formulation of policies and strategies for development and projects in Latin-American countries. The specific objectives of the Seminar are:
The excepted result are:
The Organizing Committee considers it is important to base the discussions and debates on experiences and analysis of the participants here present. Therefore, we will have two panels in which a total of four papers will be presented in plenary to determine the conceptual framework, to develop uniform criteria and concepts, as well as to introduce a broad set of existing participatory methodologies, their validity and their limitations. This will take us today and tomorrow morning. Tuesday afternoon and Wednesday we will be divided in three working groups, where practical experiences with participatory methodologies will be presented. At the end of Wednesday each working group ought to draw conclusions to be presented in plenary. On Thursday the Editorial Committee can work on of the "Declaration of Petén", which will be presented and consented in plenary on Friday. For the participants there will be a field visit on Thursday. I think it is valuable to say that for the Organizing Committee, this event is just the beginning of a process in which we hope to find various spaces and moments to develop a collective vision about the purpose and use of participatory methodologies and how they can contribute to the improvement of rural families' livelihoods, in line with their needs their management and benefits from the natural resources. During this week a Follow-up Committee will be active. From this moment on, you can share comments and recommendations to sustain the process. I hope that this Seminar will be of much use to our work as professionals, but above all that the all your inputs will contribute to a more sustainable and equitable rural development and a better management of natural resources. Index
One of the things learned deals with complexity. Unless carefully designed and monitored, forest projects have a tendency to make the rich richer and the poor poorer. In order for people to get benefits from becoming involved in community forestry activities, certain basic requirements are essential. For tree planting activities to actually help the poor, the poor have to have access to a sufficient quantity of suitable land on which they are not only able to grow food but to plant trees and have the rights to their products. This means that success not only depends on participation, but also on marketing and tenure laws. Where are the communities now? There are a lot of people really interested in community forestry. There are documented cases where things are working. But there are also examples of projects arrogantly ignoring what others, including local people, have developed. There are participatory methodologies, tools and approaches which would give the foresters help in the tremendous change of role they were going to have to accomplish if they were to advance community forestry. But one thing we have seen and experienced that it is hard to let go. It is so rewarding to be needed. It is so powerful to feel that we speak for a community or even for a resource. It is sometimes difficult to recognize how much more important it is to absolutely turn over the power to the communities. The following things are considered important for the future of community forestry:
Index
Neptalí Monterroso
Salvatierra
The past 20 years of Latin-American history have shown the triumph of the Cuban revolution as well as the North-American offensive to stop "the ghost of communism", introducing the "Alliance for Progress" program strengthened with "development projects" financed by different development agencies. Many saw the North-American proposals as a way to improve their personal situation and to live at the expense of the majority. Others firmly believed that the proposals meant a real possibility for the majority to improve their well-being. Their good faith turned them into advocates for the Integral Agrarian Reform through which they wanted to achieve everything without changing the structure of land rights and land distribution. At the same time a type of cooperativism was stimulated that emphasized markets and consumption rather than an integral development. Due to their faith in international organizations, they were not able to see that the same institutions, if they were to stop the advance of communism, at the same time, would slow down the development of capitalism in Latin America. Many are now embracing the proposals made by the international organizations with respect to the need that society participates in management, coordination and implementation of the programs and activities that allow access to development; to the necessity to reform and modernize the State to reach the levels and forms of democratic governance which permit major participation of society. Personally, the author does not rely on these proposals, but notices that for many they are tempting. The aim of the paper is to contribute to the debate that now is taking place in Latin-American countries and that can be summarized with the following question: How to strengthen development in this era of economic globalization and modernization? More specifically, the paper proposes to show: a) That everything that is done nowadays concerning modernization of the State, good governance and democracy is leading to a precise revision of the roles of all social actors in society; b) That only part of the civil society is finding forms of participation in actions and public structures; c) That in the search for sustainable forest development, as well as other development programs, ideological conflicts about world vision and orientation are reproduced between those who really have the well-being of the majority and the conservation of the resources in mind and those who consider these programs as actions that leads, principally, to the predominance of the market and the neoliberal model that sustains it. In order to fulfill the purpose of the paper, it presents first the ideas that allow the explanation of the actual global context. Secondly, it refers to the processes of Reform that have been followed by Latin-American States to respond and adapt to this actual global context. Thirdly, it exposes how the concepts of good governance and democracy can be understood. Based on these three aspects, the paper then introduces types of civil organizations that are present and profit from the space they provide. Finally, respecting nature and the theme of the seminar, aspects of environment and forest recourse in relation to participation of the civil society are emphasized. Francis Fukuyama suggest that only societies that have an important social capital at their disposal will be able to adopt new organizational forms opposite to those that have limited social capital. The social capital refers to a strong and dynamic, solidary in society with a great number of organizations. Considered this way, the social capital in Latin-America is formed by the organizational forms that permitted the creation of our own cultural history and through which we have been capable of improving quality of life. Latin America's social capital relates to our capacity to generate political and social movements through which we express our demands and fight for cultural control of our own development; also by our possibility to generate independent cultural and ideological civil organizations, through which we join efforts to obtain sustainable development and play a protagonist role in favor of the poor. However, according to Fukuyama, the social capital needed by capitalism to guarantee its vitality and that of its institutions is based on a type of civil society that does not exist in Latin-America. The economic activity is linked to a large variety of rules, guidelines, moral obligations and other habits that, all together, give form to the society and supply community members the essential reasons for mutual confidence. All societies that have economically prospered are united by confidence. It was this way in the United States, Japan and Germany; these are societies that have managed to advance in capitalism and have demonstrated to have a model community and solidarity life. They have a high grade of confidence, although through our eyes they always seem to represent individualism. According to Fukuyama, the possibility that Latin-American societies may attain common objectives depends on and is determined by their advances in capitalism. For this reason, if we want to progress and develop, we need to follow the example of the civil societies of the countries previously mentioned. But, doesn`t this also mean we would need to adopt views where the predominance and direction of the market interfers with aspects that are not of their concern? Wouldn't this make sustainable development impossible? Once more we confront proposals that have the same name but whose objectives are substantially different. Today as well as yesterday, it has not been easy and still is not easy to reveal the negative aspects of the discourses of international officials and their national advocates. It is even more difficult to reveal the openings through which it is possible to profit "below" from the recourses that are made available "from the top". It seems almost impossible to obtain the cultural control of our development. In the fight in which we are immersed, we have to realize that our societies are very heterogeneous; that they are social spaces in which we fight for cultural control over our own development; they are, so to speak, battlefields. The author does not doubt that in all Latin-American countries during the past twenty years, public life has been redefined, but neither does he have doubt about the limitations and the restrictions of this redefenition. Despite of and in contradiction of this, it is obvious that many colleagues fight, through civil organizations, to find these openings that allow advancement at the levels of democracy and good governance, which are necessary to obtain a sustainable development. This search is filled with political and ideological conflicts. It is worthwhile fighting and working so that our brothers, friends, countrymen and we ourselves will have possibilities to live in a world, which is economically, ecologically and socially healthy! It is worthwhile living to hand over a humanely livable world to our children and the children of our children! Index
Luis Eduardo
Astorga
The word "participation" has accompanied the human race since its origin. Thousands of slaves participated in the construction of the pyramids in Egypt and millions of soldiers have participated in wars. The current leaders from opposite political parties hope that their electorate participates. We have rediscovered it, thinking that "participation" is the key to success for forestry projects. First, in the 1970s and mid 1980s, attempting to give it a theoretic and practical meaning, then during the remainder of 1980s and 1990s defining and practicing participatory methodologies. However, often "participation" has been synonym to "manipulation" because it was not accompanied by a change in the relations of decision making between the various actors within a project. A long period of 40 years working in forestry and almost half of these in rural development projects in forest areas, which we can call "community forestry" projects, allows the author to state that we are at the beginning of a long road. However, he has always asked himself whether the sustainable forestry development projects are necessary, whether they generate "development", "what kind of development", and how this sustainability actually is achieved. One of the first and most important problems which experts who start the implementation of development programs run into is the implicit contradiction present in most international cooperation projects, classified by them as "participatory" or utilizing "participatory methodologies", when they did not included farmer or indigenous groups, who are supposedly the beneficiaries, in the project's identification, formulation, evaluation, and decesion-making. The important issues were raised by consultants, decisions taken by local governments or donors and "facilitated" by project personnel. Rural communities did not even participate when it was decided who were to be included in the program and who not. Latin-American rural reality constantly shows two simultaneous elements: rural poverty and destruction of renewable natural resources (forests, land, water, flora and fauna). Many unprepared analysts and observers widely blame farmers for the destruction of the natural resources, because, more often than is desired, they are connected to the same rural landscape. The destruction of renewable natural resources is directly related to the advance of the agricultural frontier, the insecurity of land tenure and unsustainable land use systems, structural problems mostly caused or fostered directly or indirectly by the governments themselves. In Latin-America there are examples of large scale destruction of natural resources, especially forests, caused by short term agricultural and livestock policies, such as burning forests. In Central America this was to provide land for livestock, with special incentives and credits given by the World Bank or local governments. El Petén is a clear example of this process. To farmers and indigenous people, the land and associated resources are the base of life and security; from this they get their products and often they transform them to satisfy their needs. But they, especially the poorest, have been limited in their capacity to make decisions about the use of their natural resources. The change of the productive agricultural system implies, in the first place, that these human groups should have, or execute, the power and decision-making capacity about the management of their natural resources and other elements of their productive system. To obtain this, it is necessary that simultaneous adjustments in the elements that form the productive agricultural system take place:
To reach these adjustments, on one hand the support of governments and projects is needed, but on top of this, the dedicated participation of communities and participants in development. But this participation should be real and not manipulation to maintain the status quo. If strengthening the administration capacity of communities and their institutions in order to improve their living standards and satisfying their needs is the goal, participation and utilization of participatory methodologies form a basic condition to success. If only the fulfillment of targets and the continuation of a masquerade about "sustainable development" is the objective then expectations from participation should be limited to the passive and indifferent presence of the poorest. Index
Chris van Dam
In the last two decades of the 20th century, participation was an important term used to define the context of rural development: participatory processes, participatory investigation, participatory monitoring and evaluation. But due to the use and misuse of the vocabulary, the concept was losing its meaning, power and identity. Even more than this, what was lost was its importance. That is not all, widely, participation refers to many other concepts that tell us about an alternative way of living and relations between human beings and between societies and nature, equity, sustainability, good governance, democratization, self-administration. It would seem that invoking participatory methodologies might be the way to obtain the "development" that we desired so much for farming communities and indigenous groups. Or even better, for they themselves to obtain it. During 20 years, and with an unusual insistence, foresters and sociologists have "embraced the forest cause", we have put a great effort into our projects to find alternative ways to relate ourselves to the communities and construct joint proposals for reforestation or management of natural forests that really corresponded to their productive, energetic, social and economic needs. However, the obtained results are not so encouraging as we hoped for. There are some questions we can ask ourselves: What has changed in 20 years? Has the rate of deforestation been reversed or at least diminished? What percentage of forests in hands of communities is now being managed in a sustainable way? How far has rural poverty diminished, and to what extent have farming and indigenous communities involved in our projects achieved better living conditions? The answers will vary much from country to country and region to region, but in general terms, the results are rather frustrating, at least south of the Panama Canal. The author states that you could say that poor results are a result of external factors, of the context, the fragility of institutions, the inadequacy of the legal system, the lack of a democratic tradition in our societies, the weaknesses in the formation of our professionals, etc. And it is true. But in the author's point of view, the problem does not lie in the participatory methodologies, but in the fact that we have focused all our attention on them as if resolving this tools problem would solve our puzzle. The problem lies in the context, in political and economic conditions that determine the environmental issues. It lies in the situation of poverty in the communities as well as the particular institutional framework from where we want to foster a different, horizontal, dialogical, participatory relation, called " project". If we put beside our daily worries to implement really participatory processes in communities for a moment and examine the context, international as well as national, we see that the relation between countries (of the north and south) and between those who have more and those who have less, are marked by inequality and authoritarianism. While we are talking about land rights, the World Bank was able to impose on countries land policies based on the reversion of the process of agricultural reform, It fostered the creation of land markets that resulted in the expulsion of hundred thousands of farmers and the phenomenon of land concentration new to Latin-America. A similar analysis of national contexts nowadays in Latin-America show that under the cloak of increasing democracy and juridical security, the neoliberal politics of the past two decades have reduced the role of the state, contributing to the broadening of the gap between rich and poor, every time more numerous and excluded. While we are talking about construction of local skills, citizenship, the culture of dialogue, etc, daily life of people grows harder, without hope, both in urban-marginal areas and in rural areas. While the rich countries and financing organizations are imposing through activities their set of rules related to economic and environmental aspects, they are also starting a discourse that tranquilizes intellectuals, NGOs and public opinion in general, They incorporate the whole "politically correct" terminology, such as participation, good governance, ethnic and gender equity, sustainability, giving a face of humanity to processes of ecological exploitation and social exclusion. Within this context, what are the hopes for realizing a sustainable development? What are the possibilities for projects to create with our participatory methodologies and everything they mean, little islands of local development that will resist time. Maybe, looking only at participatory methodologies and not the general context, we are one way or the other playing the game, we serve other interests, in this type of distraction strategy of the big international economical interests. Maybe we should ask ourselves: What role could development projects play in this scene? What is the political value, at least at local level, how can we generate participatory processes/spaces? What effect can our participatory methodologies have? And, finally, how can we from our position (projects of international technical cooperation, NGOs, networks, farming and indigenous movements, etc.) modify the rules of the game? The participatory methodologies that are keeping us occupied today, occur in a determined institutional context. The approach to farming and indigenous communities starts from the intervention of an external stakeholder, who links to the communities though a process called project. The project model, which includes marked procedures for design and planning, time of execution, ways of administration, norms for follow-up and evaluation, over the years has been standardized in a politically and culturally constructed model. Further than the political will of those who design and execute the projects that foster or not the participation of target groups, the project model, as a social and political structure, limits partial or total participation, because, in the first place, it responds to a peculiar way of seeing reality, producing scientific knowledge, hard to understand from another cultural perspective. Second, for the "project-centric" perspective of projects, wherein reality exists only in so far it is related to the project. There is little flexibility to adapt the project objectives to changes in reality or the changes in our perception of reality (a forest project cannot be converted - so easily - into a drinking water project, even though cholera has become a major problem in the community). Third, due to the time and rhythms that the projects put on themselves or on the communities. And finally, for the strategy of inclusion-exclusion of the target population: they are part of the project as far as achieving the goal of participation (that is within the created spaces for participation), but further they are only counterparts or just beneficiaries. This quick analysis cannot be used automatically for every project. But in a few words it reinforces the idea as to how limited the spaces for participation created by the projects are. The question we have to ask ourselves is: what is the ultimate objective of participation, of participatory tools? In what way can they contribute to modifying the power relations that a project establishes with the communities? With what meaning can we speak of empowerment, democracy and good governance? What to do? The criticism on the possibility of creating spaces for real participation from our projects should not be interpreted as a fatalist position or a paralyzing position. Yes, development projects (not only forest projects) generally have had poor results, like their critics point out, but there are also projects, with a first and last name, that to different degrees have shown that it is possible to have an impact. Normally they are the result of audacious and creative individuals, who achieve modifying the rules of the game, and not of the development structures and institutions that contain them. From this point of view, there are some guidelines that will contribute to strengthen the impact of the projects:
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D'Arcy Davis-Case
Within the broad theoretical construct of what is commonly known as "Popular Development" in international development assistance, there has been an internal evolution in participatory methodologies. The paper explores these changes through a practitioner's perception. The evolution has encompassed three broad eras. The first era saw control by experts ("foresters or outsiders"), and generally answered the expert's questions. The second era focused on local people ("insiders"), expecting them to have all the right questions and the right answers. The third era involves both insiders as outsiders in joint analysis and decision-making. The basic tools have been the same in all three eras, but with vastly different purposes, applications and outcomes. Optimistically, the future portents an awakening of integrity and honesty in development practices, which the author believes is the harbinger of the forth era. In this era, we will recognize that nobody actually knows with certainty, and thus caution is required. In this era, concepts of adaptive forest management will merge with the methodologies. It can be safely said that we are working in the Popular Development model, although there are some who still espouse neoliberalism and even Keynesian Developmentalism. There is growth and evolution within the Popular Development model as practice informs and clarifies the model. One of the questions that still plagues the author is how we come to know what we know. What is legitimate knowledge? You have to learn to detain a particular perspective and maintain the integrity of the farmers expression. Her personal experience tells her that participation often works. And it often works because of the way the tools are used. But she also yearns for rigour and reliability in her work, and does not know quite how to get it there without sacrificing the flexibility. There are many hopeful signs that Popular Development is maturing. The Participatory Planning and Action Network is fielding and documenting experiences from all over the world, and beginning to think about establishing "good practice" codes for practitioners. Many of the national practitioners are coming up with their own ways to adapt and apply tools, and we can learn much from this. Maybe this is a sign that we are beginning to "legitimize" the participatory tools, and demand that they are rigourous, valid and strong. Perhaps the communication tools from Popular Development are step towards "a new manner of thinking". It may be that the only option for global survival is a change in the sphere of the spirit, in the sphere of human conscience. It may not be enough to invent new machines, new regulations, and new institutions. Perhaps, we must eventually develop a new understanding of the true purpose of our existence on earth. Index
APPLICATION
OF PARTICIPATORY METHODOLOGIES IN THE PROJECT "SUPPORT TO COMMUNITY
FOREST DEVELOPMENT IN THE ANDES OF ECUADOR"
Participation is a
concept that has undergone changes associated with the intervention models used
in different moments of development. First it was completely vertical - "I
formulated the proposal...they have to execute it"-, now the external
agents are facilitators of the process and the real protagonists are the local
social actors.
Three cases of
participatory methodological application
Georg Grünberg
Edgar Palma
Sílvel Elías
This paper combines three efforts of analyzing participatory methodologies, realized with different objectives, but that have as a common focus the recognition of the socio-cultural dimension of development processes. The first case, by Georg Grünberg, refers to the importance of valuing the factors of social and ethnic cohesion as a starting point to support the initiatives for land tenure legalization in Petén. This social and ethnic consolidation contributes to maintaining a farming economy based on agroforestry in the agriculture frontier zone. This consolidation contributes to the origination of a cultural exchange process, needed for land use planning and regulation of land tenure and the use of other natural resources, because it increases the stability and fosters the social structure of new communities. Edgar Palma in his turn takes us for a pleasant visit to the community experience different groups in Petén that have achieved. In spite of unfavorable external factors, the community developed a management system of vital species and productive and natural ecosystems, sustaining a deep agro-ecological knowledge of the area and a long adaptive participatory process. These teachings, from locals, offer a valuable input that can be useful for other communities in similar situations. This is even more important to technicians and decision makers, who will find worthy experiences that may be used as examples to stimulate sustainable development, not only in Petén, but also in other countries with similar contexts. From the work of Palma it is possible to emphasize facts: first, it shows the participatory construction of a vast local knowledge about the management of natural resources. Second, it shows that through the implementation of participatory methodologies it is possible to achieve the systematization of local knowledge, not in order to fill gaps in our information, but fundamentally to direct future action towards sustainability. The third case, of Sílvel Elías, approaches a reality far away from Petén in terms of distance, but very close in that the analyzed region has many migrants going to Petén. They are migrants that not only bring their sorrows and needs, but also their knowledge, expressed in traditional practices and technologies. They also bring their biological resources, especially seeds, which has contributed to the large agricultural biodiversity that characterizes Petén. The described experience concentrates on the development of participatory workshops and community maps for risk analysis of potential disaster situations, especially the social and environmental vulnerability. The most valuable is the development of participatory workshops that allow the conformation of a community development agenda, with actions for the short and medium term. This reduces the vulnerability and thus mitigates the impact that natural phenomenons may have on the poor and marginated communities of the Chortí area in the oriental region of Guatemala. Index
A
PARTICIPATORY EXPERIENCE FOR THE MANAGEMENT OF NATURAL RESOURCES - THE
EXPERIENCE OF THE PROJECT MARENASS
Cesar Sotomayor
MARENASS is a Management Project of Productive Natural Resources of the Ministry of Agriculture of Peru; its implementation started in September 1997 with the support of the International Fund for Agricultural Development. The project is based on participation in the activities of the community members and not on their participation in "the institutional proposal"; meaning that there are no predefined technological proposals and its work is limited to facilitating spaces where farmers themselves can develop the initiatives. This strategy has made direct management by farming communities possible through the transference of public funds and the responsibilities for their own development. This process in turn generates a challenge to use their own capacities and respect their cultural identity. Both are increasing due to the constant practice of rights and daily responsibilities. Designing projects that do not interfere with the legitimacy of the local organizations results in services provided by the institution characterized from the start by respect for freedom in decision-making and participation of the users. That way both men and women from the communities involved in the proposals made by MARENASS have had to face the challenge of implementing directly the activities identified and requested by themselves. In these two and a half years of activities, the project has been working with 280 farming communities and a same quantity of women's organizations, transferring funds directly to both types of organizations and stimulating development actions executed by them, as couples, families and organized groups. The management of natural resources that is fostered emphasizes water, soil, flora and fauna and some more specific themes, such as water management, crops, pastureland and livestock management, soil conservation activities, forest management and finally management of cactus-silkworm. Through the methodology of competitions (between families, groups or communities) around new skills or technologies, an increase in forest management activities has been fostered. The increase of these activities is noticed more at family level than at the community level. The increase in participation is a direct result of the expectation of a future income when community members learn from other experiences. The exchange of knowledge between communities is realized through field visits of some community leaders (men and women) known as yachachiqs, who afterwards are paid by the communities to promote new ideas the community select. The community may also hire outside technical assistance using project seed funds and the project list of available technicians. The first year it is important to achieve the consolidation of transfer of funds and exchange of knowledge between farmers. For this reason, the general strategy is based on the extension, transfer and internationalization, by the communities, agricultural and livestock technologies that allow the recuperation and conservation of natural resources for production. The main objective of the project is obtaining a rational management of the resources, while improving and strengthening the condition and position of male and female farmers. In this process, several strategies are used. The productive strategy also known as pachamama raymi (competitions) and the technical assistance strategy (seed fund, which diminishes over the three years period). Although the project directly transfers resources to the farming communities, the posterior transfer to the families and communities is realized through rewards in competitions, recognizing results rather than processes. Both are instrumental and they are aiming at the search for sustainability of the project, so that the introduced practices continue after the project finalizes. The 5 pillars of the project are:
The process of facilitation for the development of capacities of rural people produces a growing number of initiatives by the actors in development, showing the institution (project) that community members do have proposals and projects and that it is possible for the project to adapt itself and support these processes. The experience of the project shows that despite of socioeconomic levels and the physical difficulties and fragile ecosystems, it is possible to develop technical assistance for the management of productive natural resources, adapted to the farmers possibilities for payment and networked by the project. The preference for contracting technical assistance is directed towards successful farmers willing to share risks, transfer their technology and guarantee results. It is important that the institution subsidizes the initial stage of the technical assistance and facilitates programs that improve the quality of the technical assistance offered. In a context that transfers directly responsibilities to the community members, it is redundant to introduce participatory methods and tools with the purpose to try to understand what the actors really want. On the other hand, gathering the knowledge of farmers and making it available to other farmers through competitions contributes to sharing the technological innovations horizontally. Index
The main contributions of the SPSE are:
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CONFLICTS,
CONSENSUS AND NEGOTIATION BETWEEN ACTORS
Comparison of two
experiences and methodological approaches to the management and administration
of forest resources in Totonicapán, Guatemala
Dagny Skarwan
Totonicapán is of interest for many organizations involved in forest development in Guatemala. Its forests, in relative good state despite existing social pressures, profoundly determine the character of the department and the Municipality. The traditional organizational culture (parcialidades) of the kichés of Totonicapán is based on their territory and their natural resources. The community forests are not detoriating, poverty lasts. Within this context, two experiences are interesting in that they try to contribute with new knowledge for better preservation and management of the forests. ProBosques aims at the conservation of the community forest in a protected area managed under the concept of co-administration by the municipality, the organizations and the traditional local authorities. CDROBosque wants to play an advisory role to the parcialidades regarding a better management of their communal land. These two experiences show in practice two different approaches to forest development. In CDROBosque the technical vision prevails, aimed at achieving the elaboration of management plans. In ProBosque, they try to increase the management capacities of the local actors, based on a new consensus between Community-Municipality-State. The local powers and central actors that represent the population of Totonicapán do not include women. Although women have traditionally been more present in the forest, fulfilling management tasks, neither of the two projects has been able to find the key to major equity, starting from forest development. Methodologies are applied by both approaches. Participation and good governance is clearly more supported by the vision of ProBosques. Conflicts flourish and creativity thrives. ProBosques is profiled as a complete project with strategic relevance, combining many elements to create negotiation and consensus capacity at local level, based on an explicit and sensible recognition of traditional actors, customary rules and their management capacities. CDROBosque is executed by an important local development organization with roots in the same communities (organizational structure POP) that propagates horizontal structures and participation. However, CDROBosque restricts itself to a technical approach without grasping the dimensions of participation and empowerment of the traditional actors in forest management. The main lessons learned are:
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Romeo Tiu
It is necessary to analyze the participation of the Maya people in the management, control and administration of natural resources from a socio-cultural and point of view and the economic relations existing within this group. For this reason, it is necessary to understand how modern and external methods influence traditional management methods and how they put pressure on the resources, threatening sustainability. The paper demonstrates that by means of a collective administration of the resources it is possible to identify mechanisms of self-control and community supervision that result in less severe violation of community rules as in other places where social indigenous structures have been replaced by other structures. It is emphasized that indigenous communities have the following characteristics:
The key for good management of the natural resources of communal land is consequently the result of the following facts:
However, these facts are affected by other things that endanger the sustainability of the management of the resources:
The paper presents a description of the role of indigenous authorities in the management of natural resources, emphasizing the role of "chiefs" who act like advisors for the communities; assistant mayors in charge of resolving internal conflicts as well as functioning as intermediary with government authorities; forest-guards (previously chosen by the communities and now paid by the State, making sure that the communities have support with protecting the forest; and the specialized people (fontaneros) hired by the communities to supervise and manage the water resource. Referring to organizations that are legally in charge of the care for the forest resources and protected areas, it is stated that the relations are tense because of the lack of communication between these institutions and the communities. Index
MALE
AND FEMALE FARMERS AND INDIGENOUS PEOPLE AS PROTAGONISTS IN THE DEFINITION OF
THEIR FUTURE DEVELOPMENT
Doralice Ortíz Ortíz
Opportunities for participation have been made available by the promulgation of the Colombian Political Constitution of 1991. It aims at achieving a more self-sufficient country, with better education and awareness of its citizens, in order to find a way to improve their livelihoods through sharing all decisions and responsibilities between all men and women. Within this institutional frame, the PACOFOR project (Development of community participation in the forest sector) is implemented. Its general development objective is "to contribute to the sustainable improvement of the living standards of farmers and indigenous families through the self-administration of forestry and agroforestry activities in which the protagonists of the identification, design, implementation and evaluation are the communities. The project area includes the highland marginal coffee zone and the warmer zones of the inter Andinian valley including the rivers Cauca and Magdalena, in the departments of Caldas, Quindio, Risaralda and Tolima. The total population of these departments is, according to the census of the DANE in 1993, 3'655'476, including 97 districts, of which 30 are included in the project area. The communities participating in the project live in politically delimited areas, identified as "veredas". These are, on the one hand, Farmer communities, inhabited by small (2 to 5 ha) landholders and medium small (6 to 15 ha) landholders, dedicated mostly to the practice of agriculture: coffee, associated with agricultural products for family consumption. On the other hand, there are Indigenous communities where people also live on small farms. These communities have a high concentration of population and an economy depending mainly on the cultivation of coffee, although there are also indigenous artisans, an activity to which both men and women are dedicated. The communities, farmer as well as indigenous, have an average of 500 habitants, corresponding to about 80 - 100 families. The components of the methodology of PACOFOR are:
The work done by PACOFOR was limited by: (1) the paternalism to which the communities were used to, (2) political interference in the nomination of officials, (3) restrictions in counterpart funds and (4) the machismo that limited the participation of women. The elements that have stimulated the activities were, among others:
This context permitted the formulation of a second phase to consolidate the processes initiated with communities in the central coffee region of Colombia. Index
PROMOTING
COMMUNITY LAND USE PLANNING IN THE FORESTRY EJIDOS OF QUINTANA ROO.
OBSERVATIONS AND EXPERIENCES FROM THE FIELD.
Dawn Robinson
Quintana Roo, Mexico, is internationally recognized for the communal management of their tropical forests, once described as "probably the biggest, most important and successful examples of forest management in Latin-America." During the period from 1983 until 1996, more than 40 communities, known as ejidos, received assistance from a pilot program known as the Plan Piloto Forestal (PPF) in order to initiate the transfer of forest management activities from external timber harvesting companies to the local communities (ejidos). One of the basic ideas of the PPF is "to stop the destruction of forest resources, converting the forest in an economic alternative for the ejidatarios. Instead of eliminating the forest and dedicating the land to other purposes", This would be achieved by a system of regulated forest harvesting to acheive "the integration of forestry with agriculture and livestock farming, in which the form is the nuclear activity". In order to obtain a permit for forest harvesting, an ejido, had to establish a forest reserve, known as Permanent Forest Area (PFA), which needed to be inventoried at least partially. The decision to create PFAs was taken at the level of the ejidal assembly and required considerable extension assistance by the technical team of the PPF. The current political tendencies, both National and State, tend to promote private property over the ejidal system. Nevertheless there still are strong arguments to work with the ejido as a planning unit; while when decision making about the management of the agricultural land pastures takes place at the level of individual landholdings, the repercussions affect the community as a whole: there are ecological consequences, for example due to changes in the population of wild life, environmental consequences such as with pollution due to the use of pesticides, or social consequences such as the creation of a demand for labor. The action-research project of the University of Quintana Roo (UQROO) described here, tried to define a collection of methods that facilitate a process of community-based analysis and planning in forestry ejidos. Essentially, this project was designed to build on acquired experiences in participatory research and to apply them in forest communities, as well as to search for ways to stimulate community land use planning as a complement or alternative, to the "Territorial Regulation" promoted by the government. The approach used by UQROO personnel was based on the "participatory action-research" approach, involving the community members in the search and systematization of the information about their communal lands and resources, as a preliminary step towards greater empowerment and increasing their confidence in determining their own future. The most important elements of the methodology were: (i) Selection of the communities in cooperation with organizations that worked closely with them (ii) Search for complementary information about the community; (iii) Formation of a core group of people prepared to participate throughout the process; (iv) Establishment of agreements about the method to be followed, the commitments by researchers and participants, as well as the expected results; (v) Thematic workshops; (vi) Elaboration of maps of the ejidos; (vii) Field trips to share the understanding of the natural resources of the ejido; (viii) Elaboration of a final document or report; (ix) Formal return of the information and results to the communities; and, (x) The design of internal monitoring systems. The research allowed the identification of the following strengths:
The identified weaknesses of the process are:
Observations and Conclusions It is clear that the ejidos have suffered from a lack of support with regard to capacity building in the areas of management, communication, decision-making, and production organization. As more and more regional planning projects by-pass the ejido as a management and planning unit, the introduction of mapping and the promotion of planning and discussion with the communities becomes more urgent. At the start of the PPF there was a greater availability of institutional support to ejido organization, once described as "an accompaniment of the people" rather than extension. The experience of the UQROO team indicates that today there is a need to re-emphasize this "accompaniment" this time in the identification of problems and the search for their solutions, carried out by the community members themselves. It is hoped that the methods described here contribute toward this process. Index
Margarita Oseguera
de Ochoa
Nowadays there is more awareness about the need to use a participatory community process in sustainable development. The capacity of the population to contribute to solving their own problems and participate actively in national and regional development is recognized. It is recognized that strengthening this capacity has a meaningful impact in terms of economical and social growth and consolidation of democratic processes. Participation only has meaning when it is a conscious action and represents a real intervention of the population organized with a deliberate decision making and search for alternatives to solve problems caused by poverty; when it represents the involvement of the community in the structures of local and national power. In Honduras, there exists an experience with municipal management of forest resources in Lepaterique. This experience has shown that stimulation of conscious participation is part of a process of collective apprenticeship. It was found that it is not possible that just one participatory exercise leads to irreversible change, even less with population that has had little or no space to practice it. It is not possible to use quick solutions to solve complex problems. This experience showed that for the poor to take self-determined initiatives there is a need for:
It has been calculated that there are about 12 thousand indigenous and farming communities in Central-America, which live in forest areas, with maybe around 15 million people. An increasing percentage of them depend on forestry activities as a way of survival. Participation facilitates human interaction, permits economics, social, cultural and political processes to take place, and facilitates the population practice an increased control over events linked to their reality. The Central-American Farmer and Indigenous Organization for Community Forestry CICAFOC has defined community forestry as a land use system, which intends to maximize economic productivity and sustainability, involving the local community in planning processes and management of forest recourses. " It is linked to processes of taking decisions, which involve the communities, from the formulation and planning till the implementation, follow-up and evaluation of projects. It protects the environment and does not separate the communities from their natural resources. It is a common initiative, of working together or with mutual help, equitable distribution of benefits and shared responsibility." The starting point is the recovery of men and women's knowledge about the use and management of their resources, supported by interinstitutional and interdisciplinary processes of self-administration. In this context, the priority is that communities learn to formulate their own development demands through participatory processes, identifying clearly the social benefits, available resources and conditions that present themselves. An intervention model with the following phases is proposed:
The process has the following characteristics
The experience of Lepaterique showed that development processes promoted through a broad community consultation (assembly of habitants) and continuous training programs not only stimulated the recovery of local power but also guaranteed the sustainability of the action in the long run. Index
Juventino Gálvez
R.
Fernando Carrera G.
One of the most promising forms of co-administration to stimulate and strengthen active participation of rural communities and to make socioeconomic development compatible with environmental conservation is the mechanism of forest concessions for the integral management of natural resources, which CONAP has started in the Multiple Use Zone (ZUM) of the Reserve of the Maya Biosphere (RBM) in Petén, Guatemala. At the moment (January 2000), seven community concessions (246,667 ha) have been granted and three more will be soon awarded (108,673 ha), waiting for the final phase of signing the respective contract. It is expected to have in the year 2,000 a total of 355,000 ha managed under co-administration with community groups. The mechanism of co-administration implemented by CONAP, and explicitly mentioned in the "National Policy and Development Strategy of the SIGAP", is based on participation of two groups (the concessionaire communities and the State, represented by CONAP), through a common objective, benefiting both and, in this case, the society as a whole. Obtained results
Limitations
The indicators mentioned in the paper seem to indicate that the participation of the communities has evolved further then being passive beneficiaries in a policy of co-administration proposed and initiated by CONAP. However, this process is so fragile that the loss of leadership by CONAP and a weak monitoring of the process as well as lack of interest from communities may result in a regression and loss of credibility in the co-administration mechanism. Most cited indicators that refer to the results of participation show that the forest management process through concessions is advancing positively. It is a very technical process with many management units already having received international certification. They are politically supported, juridically solid, and based on the direct demand by interested groups. The sustainability of the process, however, depends on how far the life of concessionaires improves and on the success of the administration and sustainability of these improvements. For this, the participatory methodologies are key elements. Index |
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