CODERSA

 

 

Información general Participantes Resumenes de ponencias Ponencias en inglés Síntesis Declaración 

 

Summaries of ponencias

Index  

1. Conceptual frame for the International Seminar about Participatory Methodologies for Sustainable Forest Development
Kees van Dijk

2. Community Forestry: Where's the community now?
Marilyn Hoskins

3. Participation of civil society in the management of forest resources
Neptalí Monterroso Salvatierra

4. Why a rural development project in rural areas?
Luis Eduardo Astorga

5. Two decades of participatory forest development... what was participatory?
Chris van Dam

6. The evolution of participatory tools in popular development
D'Arcy Davis-Case

7. Application of participatory methodologies in the project "support to community forest development in the Andes of Ecuador"
Miguel E. Andrade

8. Cultural exchange, traditional technology and vulnerability
Georg Grünberg, Edgar Palma y Sílvel Elías

9. A participatory experience for the management of natural resources - the experience of the project MARENASS
César Sotomayor

10. Planning, follow-up and evaluation system for the policy of BILANCE in Colombia
Gloria Esperanza Vela Mantilla

11. Seeds for forest development: conflicts, consensus and negotiation between actors
Fabricio Aguilar y Dagny Skarwan

12. Indigenous groups and natural resources
Romeo Tiu

13. Male and female farmers and indigenous people as protagonists in the defenition of their future development
Doralice Ortíz Ortíz

14. Promoting community land use planning in the forestry ejidos of Quintana Roo. Observations and experiences from the field.
Dawn Robinson

15. Participatory methodologies for sustainable forest development
Margarita Oseguera de Ochoa

16. Forest concessions and community participation in the reserve of the Maya Biosphere, Petén
Juventino Gálvez y Fernando Carrera


  CONCEPTUAL FRAME FOR THE INTERNATIONAL SEMINAR ABOUT PARTICIPATORY METHODOLOGIES FOR SUSTAINABLE FOREST DEVELOPMENT

Kees van Dijk

Two and a half years ago I participated in a mission to evaluate a "Forest Development Project" that was carried out in the Sierra of Cuchumatanes, in the occidental part of Guatemala. One of the key elements for evaluation purposes was verifying the level of PARTICIPATION of female and male farmers and how this was expressed in the activities of the forest project.

During the mission, as it often happens, there were moments of reflection with colleagues; we all concluded that the interpretation of the concept PARTICIPATION, by field workers, technicians and professional and directive project personnel, expressed different points of view, according to their interests, but often they supported their views with the same methodologies. Without doubt, everyone was right, but they all expressed different truths, in accordance with their understanding and wish for contributing to the socioeconomic development in the project area.

Within this context, we refer to a Latin-American seminar that took place in April 1995 in Quito, Ecuador, about "The challenge of Participatory Forest Development", organized by the Regional Project (FAO - Holanda) Participatory Forest Development in the Andes. During the event we achieved some interesting conclusions and recommendations, but the question arises: "have we advanced in the application of participatory methodologies in these 5 years?

After various discussions about forest development and farmer participation and trying to solve problems that arise in the field of development and community forestry projects, the idea for this Seminar-workshop arose. We have high expectations and hope that with the support of all present we can elaborate and stimulate objective reflection about the reality of projects and PARTICIPATION. I see various participants who also were in Ecuador and who will agree with me that by questioning the evolution of community forestry in the past two decades, if during this event it is possible to achieve a level of autocriticism, we will be able to build new scenes, but from a more humanized vision, more in line with the realities of rural populations living in poverty.

It pleases me that we are once again together with friends and colleagues, together with whom we have worked many years in community forestry and with whom we have talked about or applied participatory methodologies. In relation to this, I would like to emphasize that despite of the absence of representation of project beneficiaries in this event, it is also a fact that here experience and professionalism of the highest quality and capacity meet, assuring that any resolution of this Seminar-Workshop will be complementary with the proposals of local groups.

The past years can be characterized by a changing socio-economic and political reality of countries. In Latin-American countries, many governments work hard on the strenghtening of people's participation. They are committed to foster the role of local authorities in the process in order to assure the democratization of society, the decentralization of administration and the creation of new forms of good governance, fair and coherent with the expectations of the population.

We have also witnessed, in the past two decades, important changes of the concepts related with rural development, including "forest development"; it has evolved from the idea that farmers have too little knowledge to be agents of their own development, group members that needed to be organized, where women were invisible, to the current idea, still under construction, which is based on the fact that the men and women in rural communities have the capacity and skills to develop local knowledge, to solve their problems through democratic processes and to use local resources adequately.

The role of external agents is changing from an "extension worker" linked to or transmitter of science and technology to a "facilitator" of processes, who respects the social structure and culture of communities, strengthens it through its recognition of local capacity and contributes with their knowledge to the initiation of sustainable processes.

In many institutional environments the idea that rural development is based on community self-administration and partnership is gaining force every day. However, experiences show that it can only be achieved when real participation in decision making, in equity in access to opportunities for the use of resources and distribution of benefits of development for rural men and women is obtained.

Although there is a general recognition that we have achieved significant changes, many of us also think that we have not achieved what we thought and proposed 20 years ago. It is not a secret that step by step we will be clarifying the huge variety of accumulated concepts, methods, materials and experiences that, however, until today have not been adequately systematized and shared, not allowing the replication of successes and the diminishing of failures to build more convenient roads towards development.

"Every work needs appropriate tools and techniques: to plow a yoke is needed. For planning one also needs methods and tools". To facilitate equitable community participation it is necessary to count with methodologies and a range of tools adapting them to every social-cultural context. But it is even more necessary to understand how to use these tools.

We understand that a present difficulty refers to the multiple interpretations about "participation", sometimes leading to the confusion, and the erroneous and wrong application of participatory methodologies. J.A. Ashby distinguished, for example, four types of participation:
   When the farmer supplies labor and/or land (Nominal)
   When the opinion of the beneficiaries is asked (Consultative)
   When the beneficiaries are involved in the activities (Active)
   When the beneficiaries participate also in decision making.

In the same line we can distinguish two types of planned intervention: (1) top-down, to inform, to persuade or consult (that correspond to the first two levels indicated by Ashby) or (2) the participatory intervention to share decision-making or in the most ideal situation to be a partner in group decisions. Where to locate ourselves is really the big challenge.

Rural and forestry development programs need participatory approaches and the intervention of external agents (facilitators), since in the communal management of resources there are many local groups with different interests. The facilitator reinforces or guides the communal management system. In this case, providing guidance means helping, influencing and intervening in the management or application of local processes. Facilitating not only means providing the requested things, but also not requested things or things that satisfy the strategic needs of beneficiaries.

There are few development programs that really facilitate or reinforce the communal management using the participatory approaches mentioned before. The majority only offers opportunities for symbolic participation and maintain the decision-making power. However, it is worthwhile noticing that in the past twenty years there has been a slow but definite change in development programs from "top-down interventionists" to "participatory interventionists".

There are encouraging signs that show a growing acceptance of participatory methodologies. The question that nevertheless preoccupies us this week is "why haven't the participatory methodologies given us the expected results? To what extent do these methodologies and tools really contribute to a reflection and analysis at grassroots level and at project/institution level?

For this reason, there is a need to revise in an objective manner how far we have come with development and application of participatory methodologies and critically analyze which are the facilitating or limiting factors.

The general objective of this Seminar-Workshop is to exchange experiences with methodologies and practices aimed at forestry development in rural communities that foster the improvement of the standard of living and the conservation of natural resources. Hopefully, the results can be used as a guide for the formulation of policies and strategies for development and projects in Latin-American countries.

The specific objectives of the Seminar are:
Offer opportunity to exchange and analyze experiences with methodologies for social forest development in rural Latin-American communities, and create space for the determination of factors of success and failure of the application of these methodologies.
 
Discuss conceptual elements and build on the basis of the participant's experiences, general guidelines that allow an improved application of participatory methodologies for sustainable forestry development.  
 
Formulate working documents that allow the clarification of concepts and the proposal of participatory methodologies which can be used by governments, institutions, grassroots organizations and persons involved in the promotion and implementation of sustainable forestry development.

The excepted result are:
Experiences with participatory methodologies and ways to put them into practice, identifying and analyzing factors resulting in the success or failure of the identified methodologies.
 
Formulation of general guidelines to improve the application of participatory methodologies for the promotion of sustainable and equitable forestry development.
 
A final statement including orientations on the practice and the use of participatory methodologies, which can be used as a guide by Governments, NGOs, International Agencies, Farmer Organizations and Fieldworkers.

The Organizing Committee considers it is important to base the discussions and debates on experiences and analysis of the participants here present. Therefore, we will have two panels in which a total of four papers will be presented in plenary to determine the conceptual framework, to develop uniform criteria and concepts, as well as to introduce a broad set of existing participatory methodologies, their validity and their limitations. This will take us today and tomorrow morning.

Tuesday afternoon and Wednesday we will be divided in three working groups, where practical experiences with participatory methodologies will be presented. At the end of Wednesday each working group ought to draw conclusions to be presented in plenary. On Thursday the Editorial Committee can work on of the "Declaration of Petén", which will be presented and consented in plenary on Friday. For the participants there will be a field visit on Thursday.

I think it is valuable to say that for the Organizing Committee, this event is just the beginning of a process in which we hope to find various spaces and moments to develop a collective vision about the purpose and use of participatory methodologies and how they can contribute to the improvement of rural families' livelihoods, in line with their needs their management and benefits from the natural resources.

During this week a Follow-up Committee will be active. From this moment on, you can share comments and recommendations to sustain the process.

I hope that this Seminar will be of much use to our work as professionals, but above all that the all your inputs will contribute to a more sustainable and equitable rural development and a better management of natural resources.

Index
  COMMUNITY FORESTRY: WHERE'S THE COMMUNITY NOW?


Marilyn Hoskins


The document states the argument that community forestry, as a field, is more a developer's and forester's invention than a community invention. It also shows the contradiction, showing that in cases where co-administration actually works, foresters do not want to let go; they cannot stop to participate. The paper states that we have to learn and foster the joy of letting go.

Community forestry, as a field, started over 20 years ago. 1977-8 to be exact, when governments began to look a reorienting forestry to contribute more to rural development. To understand the need for this movement, it is important to step further back and look at the development of the field of forestry. In Europe it was mainly an elite profession; during the colonial period, foresters all over the world trained in the European tradition to manage the forest trees and animals for the benefit of the colonial powers. Even for a number of years after independence, national governments largely followed the traditional forest policies.

The paper states that in this period communities had different attitudes towards forests, dependent on the resources: in places where there were no moist tropical forest identified as economically important or of national interest, rural people were mostly living without much contact with foresters. In areas where forests and trees were plentiful and population or economic pressure were not great, many groups had a symbiotic relationship with the nature around them.

When trees and forest products become scarce, many groups developed rules or institutions that helped protect the resource. Forest dependent communities made rules about who could cut which tree or pick its fruit and sometimes when and how. Rules made by the communities often reflected the local system of governing: a more democratic type organization shared the resources more equally; highly organized types created more effective management systems.

What were the governments doing during all of this? When and where forests were identified as important to the national interest, they were classified irrespective of who lived there. It is obvious that when forests were of interest to the government for the national economy (conservation, tourism or income), the government had total power to make management decisions, without local communities participating in the benefits and even less in the management. Foresters were charged with management.

So, what was it that made governments and foresters interested in "inventing" community forest services in the late 1970s? In many of the semi-arid countries there was recognition that forest services were unable to manage the trees and forests with budgetary and personnel limitations. They felt impotent, especially where they concluded that local people "did not understand that they must not destroy the trees."  There were many common perceptions at that time which sidetracked better understanding. One belief was that "the environment is destroyed by the poor." Maybe communities could be taught to appreciate nature if they had more environmental education. Others said that "local people may know better, but they have no other option than to deplete the environment."

In the 1970s global fuel shortages became a major issue and this translated to a feeling that those who used wood and charcoal were destroying the forests. What was the solution? Maybe communities could make fewer demands on the resource by using improved stoves or they could hire more people in forest industries. Perhaps the forest service could plant more trees or supervise the community to plant woodlots on their own land and thereby develop an alternate wood source from outside the forests and improve the lives of the rural poor. But the communities had other needs, such as land for growing food. Fallow land was used for hunting small animas or collecting fruit or sticks for fuel. Although fuelwood was a problem, this did not justify planting trees without resolving other more pressing problems. Here the projects to "help the poor" turned into limitations to the improvement of their lives.

By 1978 NGOs and international institutions were beginning to reorient their focus. The World Bank admitted that their forestry projects were not working. The problem was that tree-planting projects had been placed on land of farmers and herders. Angry rural people, the very same people that the projects were supposedly designed to help, had ripped many of the seedlings out. 1978 was also the year the World Forestry Congress, held in Jakarta, Indonesia. That congress was the first of its kind to hold sessions on social aspects, such as women and forestry. One forester concluded that forestry was not about trees but about people; it was about trees only as they served the needs of people.

In the early 80s the FAO's Forestry for Local Community Development Program comprised the following elements:
   Community forestry should relate to equity, trying to narrow the gap between the richer and the poorer and facilitating inclusion of the excluded, including women.
 
   Making people visible to technical scientists and even to their governments. This may sound strange, but many foresters and officials had very little understanding of what rural people were doing with trees. Foresters were not valuing the role of trees in agriculture, only trees as forests and giving timber. It worked on learning about the diverse, but often complementary, uses women and men had for forest and tree products.
 
   Participation and mutual learning were given more importance. Participation was seen as a partnership between technical specialists, that had control over many of the forest resources, and the local community, with a wealth of local knowledge. Many different groups have been and are using the word, participation, but with different meanings.
 
   It worked with forestry training and educational institutions to change the curriculum and to include more information on community/forestry interactions; and with extension services to broaden the mutual learning approach. With research institutes, especially those in agroforestry, it encouraged the researchers to observe what creative farmers were trying to change, as a first step in identifying the real needs for research.

One of the things learned deals with complexity. Unless carefully designed and monitored, forest projects have a tendency to make the rich richer and the poor poorer. In order for people to get benefits from becoming involved in community forestry activities, certain basic requirements are essential. For tree planting activities to actually help the poor, the poor have to have access to a sufficient quantity of suitable land on which they are not only able to grow food but to plant trees and have the rights to their products. This means that success not only depends on participation, but also on marketing and tenure laws.

Where are the communities now? There are a lot of people really interested in community forestry. There are documented cases where things are working. But there are also examples of projects arrogantly ignoring what others, including local people, have developed.

There are participatory methodologies, tools and approaches which would give the foresters help in the tremendous change of role they were going to have to accomplish if they were to advance community forestry.

But one thing we have seen and experienced that it is hard to let go. It is so rewarding to be needed. It is so powerful to feel that we speak for a community or even for a resource. It is sometimes difficult to recognize how much more important it is to absolutely turn over the power to the communities.

The following things are considered important for the future of community forestry:
Be more realistic in establishing goals keeping in mind that community forestry is multidimensional, multisectoral, with multi-stakeholders.
 
Be more systematic. Take time to work with communities to set local goals but also use robust and replicable tools for baselines to measure change.
 
Be more open to learning from other's experiences.
 
Be more regular in reporting both successful and unsuccessful stages of our activities to share with others.
 
Foster the joy of letting go and practice it ourselves.
 
Index

  PARTICIPATION OF CIVIL SOCIETY IN THE MANAGEMENT OF FOREST RESOURCES

Neptalí Monterroso Salvatierra

The past 20 years of Latin-American history have shown the triumph of the Cuban revolution as well as the North-American offensive to stop "the ghost of communism", introducing the "Alliance for Progress" program strengthened with "development projects" financed by different development agencies.

Many saw the North-American proposals as a way to improve their personal situation and to live at the expense of the majority.  Others firmly believed that the proposals meant a real possibility for the majority to improve their well-being. Their good faith turned them into advocates for the Integral Agrarian Reform through which they wanted to achieve everything without changing the structure of land rights and land distribution. At the same time a type of cooperativism was stimulated that emphasized markets and consumption rather than an integral development. Due to their faith in international organizations, they were not able to see that the same institutions, if they were to stop the advance of communism, at the same time, would slow down the development of capitalism in Latin America.

Many are now embracing the proposals made by the international organizations with respect to the need that society participates in management, coordination and implementation of the programs and activities that allow access to development; to the necessity to reform and modernize the State to reach the levels and forms of democratic governance which permit major participation of society. Personally, the author does not rely on these proposals, but notices that for many they are tempting.  

The aim of the paper is to contribute to the debate that now is taking place in Latin-American countries and that can be summarized with the following question: How to strengthen development in this era of economic globalization and modernization? More specifically, the paper proposes to show: a) That everything that is done nowadays concerning modernization of the State, good governance and democracy is leading to a precise revision of the roles of all social actors in society; b) That only part of the civil society is finding forms of participation in actions and public structures; c) That in the search for sustainable forest development, as well as other development programs, ideological conflicts about world vision and orientation are reproduced between those who really have the well-being of the majority and the conservation of the resources in mind and those who consider these programs as actions that leads, principally, to the predominance of the market and the neoliberal model that sustains it.

In order to fulfill the purpose of the paper, it presents first the ideas that allow the explanation of the actual global context. Secondly, it refers to the processes of Reform that have been followed by Latin-American States to respond and adapt to this actual global context. Thirdly, it exposes how the concepts of good governance and democracy can be understood. Based on these three aspects, the paper then introduces types of civil organizations that are present and profit from the space they provide. Finally, respecting nature and the theme of the seminar, aspects of environment and forest recourse in relation to participation of the civil society are emphasized.

Francis Fukuyama suggest that only societies that have an important social capital at their disposal will be able to adopt new organizational forms opposite to those that have limited social capital.

The social capital refers to a strong and dynamic, solidary in society with a great number of organizations.  Considered this way, the social capital in Latin-America is formed by the organizational forms that permitted the creation of our own cultural history and through which we have been capable of improving quality of life. Latin America's social capital relates to our capacity to generate political and social movements through which we express our demands and fight for cultural control of our own development; also by our possibility to generate independent cultural and ideological civil organizations, through which we join efforts to obtain sustainable development and play a protagonist role in favor of the poor.  

However, according to Fukuyama, the social capital needed by capitalism to guarantee its vitality and that of its institutions is based on a type of civil society that does not exist in Latin-America.

The economic activity is linked to a large variety of rules, guidelines, moral obligations and other habits that, all together, give form to the society and supply community members the essential reasons for mutual confidence. All societies that have economically prospered are united by confidence. It was this way in the United States, Japan and Germany; these are societies that have managed to advance in capitalism and have demonstrated to have a model community and solidarity life. They have a high grade of confidence, although through our eyes they always seem to represent individualism.

According to Fukuyama, the possibility that Latin-American societies may attain common objectives depends on and is determined by their advances in capitalism. For this reason, if we want to progress and develop, we need to follow the example of the civil societies of the countries previously mentioned. But, doesn`t this also mean we would need to adopt views where the predominance and direction of the market interfers with aspects that are not of their concern? Wouldn't this make sustainable development impossible?

Once more we confront proposals that have the same name but whose objectives are substantially different. Today as well as yesterday, it has not been easy and still is not easy to reveal the negative aspects of the discourses of international officials and their national advocates. It is even more difficult to reveal the openings through which it is possible to profit "below" from the recourses that are made available "from the top".  It seems almost impossible to obtain the cultural control of our development. In the fight in which we are immersed, we have to realize that our societies are very heterogeneous; that they are social spaces in which we fight for cultural control over our own development; they are, so to speak, battlefields.

The author does not doubt that in all Latin-American countries during the past twenty years, public life has been redefined, but neither does he have doubt about the limitations and the restrictions of this redefenition. Despite of and in contradiction of this, it is obvious that many colleagues fight, through civil organizations, to find these openings that allow advancement at the levels of democracy and good governance, which are necessary to obtain a sustainable development. This search is filled with political and ideological conflicts. It is worthwhile fighting and working so that our brothers, friends, countrymen and we ourselves will have possibilities to live in a world, which is economically, ecologically and socially healthy! It is worthwhile living to hand over a humanely livable world to our children and the children of our children!

Index
  WHY A RURAL DEVELOPMENT PROJECT IN FOREST AREAS?

Luis Eduardo Astorga

The word "participation" has accompanied the human race since its origin. Thousands of slaves participated in the construction of the pyramids in Egypt and millions of soldiers have participated in wars. The current leaders from opposite political parties hope that their electorate participates. We have rediscovered it, thinking that "participation" is the key to success for forestry projects. First, in the 1970s and mid 1980s, attempting to give it a theoretic and practical meaning, then during the remainder of 1980s and 1990s defining and practicing participatory methodologies. However, often "participation" has been synonym to "manipulation" because it was not accompanied by a change in the relations of decision making between the various actors within a project.

A long period of 40 years working in forestry and almost half of these in rural development projects in forest areas, which we can call "community forestry" projects, allows the author to state that we are at the beginning of a long road. However, he has always asked himself whether the sustainable forestry development projects are necessary, whether they generate "development", "what kind of development", and how this sustainability actually is achieved.

One of the first and most important problems which experts who start the implementation of development programs run into is the implicit contradiction present in most international cooperation projects, classified by them as "participatory" or utilizing "participatory methodologies", when they did not included farmer or indigenous groups, who are supposedly the beneficiaries, in the project's identification, formulation, evaluation, and decesion-making. The important issues were raised by consultants, decisions taken by local governments or donors and "facilitated" by project personnel. Rural communities did not even participate when it was decided who were to be included in the program and who not.

Latin-American rural reality constantly shows two simultaneous elements: rural poverty and destruction of renewable natural resources (forests, land, water, flora and fauna). Many unprepared analysts and observers widely blame farmers for the destruction of the natural resources, because, more often than is desired, they are connected to the same rural landscape. The destruction of renewable natural resources is directly related to the advance of the agricultural frontier, the insecurity of land tenure and unsustainable land use systems, structural problems mostly caused or fostered directly or indirectly by the governments themselves.

In Latin-America there are examples of large scale destruction of natural resources, especially forests, caused by short term agricultural and livestock policies, such as burning forests. In Central America this was to provide land for livestock, with special incentives and credits given by the World Bank or local governments. El Petén is a clear example of this process.

To farmers and indigenous people, the land and associated resources are the base of life and security; from this they get their products and often they transform them to satisfy their needs. But they, especially the poorest, have been limited in their capacity to make decisions about the use of their natural resources. The change of the productive agricultural system implies, in the first place, that these human groups should have, or execute, the power and decision-making capacity about the management of their natural resources and other elements of their productive system.

To obtain this, it is necessary that simultaneous adjustments in the elements that form the productive agricultural system take place:
   Natural Resources: land, forests, water, flora, fauna. The property of and the right to use the natural resources not only should be taken on the communities, and also legally established in a way that there is security about their use.
 
   Transformation capacity strengthens the aptitude of farmers and indigenous groups to transform natural resources into products and services for themselves or for trade.
 
   Appropriation of the markets and margins of commercialization. Find new alternatives, improve the quality of products, look beyond the traditional areas of commercialization, change products or all of the above.
 
   Local financial systems: creation of seed funds, revolving funds, communal banks and other systems appropriate for the rural reality.
 
   Social and institutional environment: a change in the productive agricultural or indigenous system requires an effort of the existing community organizations, an adaptation of the social structure to respond to the numerous conflicts that arise during a process of change and development. These processes imply transfer of power, new leaders, changes in the internal balance and for this reason a strong social structure is necessary to resolve conflicts.

To reach these adjustments, on one hand the support of governments and projects is needed, but on top of this, the dedicated participation of communities and participants in development. But this participation should be real and not manipulation to maintain the status quo. If strengthening the administration capacity of communities and their institutions in order to improve their living standards and satisfying their needs is the goal, participation and utilization of participatory methodologies form a basic condition to success. If only the fulfillment of targets and the continuation of a masquerade about "sustainable development" is the objective then expectations from participation should be limited to the passive and indifferent presence of the poorest.

Index

  TWO DECADES OF PARTICIPATORY FOREST DEVELOPMENT... WHAT WAS PARTICIPATORY?

Chris van Dam

In the last two decades of the 20th century, participation was an important term used to define the context of rural development: participatory processes, participatory investigation, participatory monitoring and evaluation. But due to the use and misuse of the vocabulary, the concept was losing its meaning, power and identity. Even more than this, what was lost was its importance. That is not all, widely, participation refers to many other concepts that tell us about an alternative way of living and relations between human beings and between societies and nature, equity, sustainability, good governance, democratization, self-administration. It would seem that invoking participatory methodologies might be the way to obtain the "development" that we desired so much for farming communities and indigenous groups. Or even better, for they themselves to obtain it.

During 20 years, and with an unusual insistence, foresters and sociologists have "embraced the forest cause", we have put a great effort into our projects to find alternative ways to relate ourselves to the communities and construct joint proposals for reforestation or management of natural forests that really corresponded to their productive, energetic, social and economic needs. However, the obtained results are not so encouraging as we hoped for.

There are some questions we can ask ourselves: What has changed in 20 years? Has the rate of deforestation been reversed or at least diminished? What percentage of forests in hands of communities is now being managed in a sustainable way? How far has rural poverty diminished, and to what extent have farming and indigenous communities involved in our projects achieved better living conditions? The answers will vary much from country to country and region to region, but in general terms, the results are rather frustrating, at least south of the Panama Canal.

The author states that you could say that poor results are a result of external factors, of the context, the fragility of institutions, the inadequacy of the legal system, the lack of a democratic tradition in our societies, the weaknesses in the formation of our professionals, etc. And it is true. But in the author's point of view, the problem does not lie in the participatory methodologies, but in the fact that we have focused all our attention on them as if resolving this tools problem would solve our puzzle. The problem lies in the context, in political and economic conditions that determine the environmental issues. It lies in the situation of poverty in the communities as well as the particular institutional framework from where we want to foster a different, horizontal, dialogical, participatory relation, called " project".

If we put beside our daily worries to implement really participatory processes in communities for a moment and examine the context, international as well as national, we see that the relation between countries (of the north and south) and between those who have more and those who have less, are marked by inequality and authoritarianism.

While we are talking about land rights, the World Bank was able to impose on countries land policies based on the reversion of the process of agricultural reform, It fostered the creation of land markets that resulted in the expulsion of hundred thousands of farmers and the phenomenon of land concentration new to Latin-America.  

A similar analysis of national contexts nowadays in Latin-America show that under the cloak of increasing democracy and juridical security, the neoliberal politics of the past two decades have reduced the role of the state, contributing to the broadening of the gap between rich and poor, every time more numerous and excluded. While we are talking about construction of local skills, citizenship, the culture of dialogue, etc, daily life of people grows harder, without hope, both in urban-marginal areas and in rural areas.

While the rich countries and financing organizations are imposing through activities their set of rules related to economic and environmental aspects, they are also starting a discourse that tranquilizes intellectuals, NGOs and public opinion in general, They incorporate the whole "politically correct" terminology, such as participation, good governance, ethnic and gender equity, sustainability, giving a face of humanity to processes of ecological exploitation and social exclusion.

Within this context, what are the hopes for realizing a sustainable development? What are the possibilities for projects to create with our participatory methodologies and everything they mean, little islands of local development that will resist time.

Maybe, looking only at participatory methodologies and not the general context, we are one way or the other playing the game, we serve other interests, in this type of distraction strategy of the big international economical interests.

Maybe we should ask ourselves:

What role could development projects play in this scene? What is the political value, at least at local level, how can we generate participatory processes/spaces? What effect can our participatory methodologies have? And, finally, how can we from our position (projects of international technical cooperation, NGOs, networks, farming and indigenous movements, etc.) modify the rules of the game?

The participatory methodologies that are keeping us occupied today, occur in a determined institutional context. The approach to farming and indigenous communities starts from the intervention of an external stakeholder, who links to the communities though a process called project. The project model, which includes marked procedures for design and planning, time of execution, ways of administration, norms for follow-up and evaluation, over the years has been standardized in a politically and culturally constructed model.

Further than the political will of those who design and execute the projects that foster or not the participation of target groups, the project model, as a social and political structure, limits partial or total participation, because, in the first place, it responds to a peculiar way of seeing reality, producing scientific knowledge, hard to understand from another cultural perspective. Second, for the "project-centric" perspective of projects, wherein reality exists only in so far it is related to the project. There is little flexibility to adapt the project objectives to changes in reality or the changes in our perception of reality (a forest project cannot be converted - so easily - into a drinking water project, even though cholera has become a major problem in the community). Third, due to the time and rhythms that the projects put on themselves or on the communities. And finally, for the strategy of inclusion-exclusion of the target population: they are part of the project as far as achieving the goal of participation (that is within the created spaces for participation), but further they are only counterparts or just beneficiaries.

This quick analysis cannot be used automatically for every project. But in a few words it reinforces the idea as to how limited the spaces for participation created by the projects are. The question we have to ask ourselves is: what is the ultimate objective of participation, of participatory tools? In what way can they contribute to modifying the power relations that a project establishes with the communities? With what meaning can we speak of empowerment, democracy and good governance?

What to do?

The criticism on the possibility of creating spaces for real participation from our projects should not be interpreted as a fatalist position or a paralyzing position. Yes, development projects (not only forest projects) generally have had poor results, like their critics point out, but there are also projects, with a first and last name, that to different degrees have shown that it is possible to have an impact. Normally they are the result of audacious and creative individuals, who achieve modifying the rules of the game, and not of the development structures and institutions that contain them. From this point of view, there are some guidelines that will contribute to strengthen the impact of the projects:
   Abandon the obsession for the tools of participation in favor of creating space for genuine participation
 
   Transparency of our discourse and our relation with the communities
 
   Focus our efforts on the technical proposal     
 
   Contribution to the formulation of policies
 
   Revision of land tenure aspects and management of natural resources
 
   Strengthening of Indigenous and Farmers Organizations

Index

  THE EVOLUTION OF PARTICIPATORY TOOLS IN POPULAR DEVELOPMENT

D'Arcy Davis-Case

Within the broad theoretical construct of what is commonly known as "Popular Development" in international development assistance, there has been an internal evolution in participatory methodologies. The paper explores these changes through a practitioner's perception. The evolution has encompassed three broad eras. The first era saw control by experts ("foresters or outsiders"), and generally answered the expert's questions. The second era focused on local people ("insiders"), expecting them to have all the right questions and the right answers. The third era involves both insiders as outsiders in joint analysis and decision-making. The basic tools have been the same in all three eras, but with vastly different purposes, applications and outcomes. Optimistically, the future portents an awakening of integrity and honesty in development practices, which the author believes is the harbinger of the forth era. In this era, we will recognize that nobody actually knows with certainty, and thus caution is required. In this era, concepts of adaptive forest management will merge with the methodologies.

It can be safely said that we are working in the Popular Development model, although there are some who still espouse neoliberalism and even Keynesian Developmentalism. There is growth and evolution within the Popular Development model as practice informs and clarifies the model.

One of the questions that still plagues the author is how we come to know what we know. What is legitimate knowledge? You have to learn to detain a particular perspective and maintain the integrity of the farmers expression. Her personal experience tells her that participation often works. And it often works because of the way the tools are used. But she also yearns for rigour and reliability in her work, and does not know quite how to get it there without sacrificing the flexibility.

There are many hopeful signs that Popular Development is maturing. The Participatory Planning and Action Network is fielding and documenting experiences from all over the world, and beginning to think about establishing "good practice" codes for practitioners. Many of the national practitioners are coming up with their own ways to adapt and apply tools, and we can learn much from this. Maybe this is a sign that we are beginning to "legitimize" the participatory tools, and demand that they are rigourous, valid and strong.

Perhaps the communication tools from Popular Development are step towards "a new manner of thinking". It may be that the only option for global survival is a change in the sphere of the spirit, in the sphere of human conscience. It may not be enough to invent new machines, new regulations, and new institutions. Perhaps, we must eventually develop a new understanding of the true purpose of our existence on earth.

Index

  APPLICATION OF PARTICIPATORY METHODOLOGIES IN THE PROJECT "SUPPORT TO COMMUNITY FOREST DEVELOPMENT IN THE ANDES OF ECUADOR"


Miguel E. Andrade

 

Participation is a concept that has undergone changes associated with the intervention models used in different moments of development. First it was completely vertical - "I formulated the proposal...they have to execute it"-, now the external agents are facilitators of the process and the real protagonists are the local social actors.

We now see participation as way to gain power to influence policies, programs, projects, budgets, priorities and strategies. To achieve this goal, it is important to support the construction of local capacities to establish frameworks with which to think, decide and act. The participation, in that case, requires a great deal of reflection, critical analysis and, mainly, commitment.

The participatory methodologies are based on the use of many tools or techniques that have been designed by different organizations and/or projects for social development, for different reasons. Nevertheless, the tools are nothing more than that, tools. Their application, in itself, does not guarantee the achievement of the changes expected by any program or project.

Among the most used methodologies in the work with participating communities within the Forest Development Project of Ecuador, DFC, there are: participatory community appraisal, participatory planning, the communal forest plan, small-holder farm plan, annual monitoring and evaluation, the forestry calendar and plans for facilitation of the process. With these tools, communities analyze their own reality and plan the actions that they can realize, using their resources and with the help of external agents.

At grassroots level, support is also provided for the formulation of medium and long term planning through support for strategic planning and the formulation for broader local development.

Taking as a reference the strategic and local development plans, farmer organizations elaborate more concrete proposals. With this in mind, DFC adapted the Project Planning by Objectives -PPO-, which establishes the so-called tactical planning, in which community groups start with the macroproblems to develop problem trees and then decide the strategy that they will use. Then they elaborate project proposals with the help of the logical framework. This effort allows farmers to formulate and negotiate directly important complementary projects not about forestry and to develop outside parallel activities to the DFC process.

The effects of the application of participatory methodologies can be classified in two categories: i) objectively verifiable effects, and ii) intangible effects.

Among the first are: active participation of around 350 farming and indigenous communities; more than 11,000 families applying the DFC approach; about 500 grassroots promoters, of which 35 % are women; about 200 young professionals trained in participatory forestry extension; more than 12,000 ha of protected land with plantations and soil conservation activities; more than 40 local development organizations committed to the proposal (municipalities, non governmental organizations and some companies such as drinking-water and electric energy; the establishment of a National Association of Agroforestry Promoters; some universities incorporating the approach in their programs for professional education.

Among the intangible effects, the most important are: high levels of self-esteem attained by farmers, especially the women who participated in the project; a good level of technical formation achieved by many of the promoters; good levels of horizontal relations attained by farmers and external facilitators; mutual respect between the different participating actors; high levels of transparency to oppose challenges and difficulties; high levels of motivation and commitment.

Looking into the future, we believe that there are two parallel paths: the communization of the DFC and the institutionalization of the approach. Both paths have as a central purpose turning the process into an irreversible practice of self-administration and management of natural resources. Two actors are involved, the communities and the local development organizations for the permanent promotion and implementation of new programs of participatory forest extension.  

As a result of the work of the DFC we have the following reflections: no methodological tool should be considered as a recipe or straightjacket. Methodologies are guidelines that allow the orientation and organization of determined processes. For this reason, they are susceptible to adjustments, adaptations, combinations and, frequently, use of onlyportions of the methodology.

Frequently, the results of appraisals or planning are archived, completely loosing valuable information. The frequent use of methodological tools, such as sketches or maps, may also result in a working habit and routine use of these tools.

When a revision of these processes show that the goals are not achieved as planned, it does not matter; the information will be complemented later. The most important is that a space of confidence was generated that makes a permanent dialogue between the participating actors possible.

In the application of participatory methodologies, often spaces to share partial or complete results of the group work are created; within these spaces, it is valuable to look for opportunities to incorporate some reflections that are important to sensitize or motivate the participants about themes related to the management of their natural resources or to other questions related to their integral development.

Another matter: ...of course the previous organization of events in which participatory methodologies are used is important, but one should not get to the extreme of strict application; they should be considered as moments of joy and mutual learning. For this reason, we tend to call the meetings, for example, gatherings (minga) for planning or gatherings for evaluation.

Index

  CULTURAL EXCHANGE, TRADITIONAL TECHNOLOGY AND VULNERABILITY ANALYSIS
Three cases of participatory methodological application
 
Georg Grünberg
Edgar Palma
Sílvel Elías

This paper combines three efforts of analyzing participatory methodologies, realized with different objectives, but that have as a common focus the recognition of the socio-cultural dimension of development processes. The first case, by Georg Grünberg, refers to the importance of valuing the factors of social and ethnic cohesion as a starting point to support the initiatives for land tenure legalization in Petén. This social and ethnic consolidation contributes to maintaining a farming economy based on agroforestry in the agriculture frontier zone.

This consolidation contributes to the origination of a cultural exchange process, needed for land use planning and regulation of land tenure and the use of other natural resources, because it increases the stability and fosters the social structure of new communities.

Edgar Palma in his turn takes us for a pleasant visit to the community experience different groups in Petén that have achieved. In spite of unfavorable external factors, the community developed a management system of vital species and productive and natural ecosystems, sustaining a deep agro-ecological knowledge of the area and a long adaptive participatory process.

These teachings, from locals, offer a valuable input that can be useful for other communities in similar situations. This is even more important to technicians and decision makers, who will find worthy experiences that may be used as examples to stimulate sustainable development, not only in Petén, but also in other countries with similar contexts.

From the work of Palma it is possible to emphasize facts: first, it shows the participatory construction of a vast local knowledge about the management of natural resources. Second, it shows that through the implementation of participatory methodologies it is possible to achieve the systematization of local knowledge, not in order to fill gaps in our information, but fundamentally to direct future action towards sustainability.

The third case, of Sílvel Elías, approaches a reality far away from Petén in terms of distance, but very close in that the analyzed region has many migrants going to Petén. They are migrants that not only bring their sorrows and needs, but also their knowledge, expressed in traditional practices and technologies. They also bring their biological resources, especially seeds, which has contributed to the large agricultural biodiversity that characterizes Petén.

The described experience concentrates on the development of participatory workshops and community maps for risk analysis of potential disaster situations, especially the social and environmental vulnerability. The most valuable is the development of participatory workshops that allow the conformation of a community development agenda, with actions for the short and medium term. This reduces the vulnerability and thus mitigates the impact that natural phenomenons may have on the poor and marginated communities of the Chortí area in the oriental region of Guatemala.

Index

  A PARTICIPATORY EXPERIENCE FOR THE MANAGEMENT OF NATURAL RESOURCES - THE EXPERIENCE OF THE PROJECT MARENASS

Cesar Sotomayor

MARENASS is a Management Project of Productive Natural Resources of the Ministry of Agriculture of Peru; its implementation started in September 1997 with the support of the International Fund for Agricultural Development.

The project is based on participation in the activities of the community members and not on their participation in "the institutional proposal"; meaning that there are no predefined technological proposals and its work is limited to facilitating spaces where farmers themselves can develop the initiatives.

This strategy has made direct management by farming communities possible through the transference of public funds and the responsibilities for their own development. This process in turn generates a challenge to use their own capacities and respect their cultural identity. Both are increasing due to the constant practice of rights and daily responsibilities.

Designing projects that do not interfere with the legitimacy of the local organizations results in services provided by the institution characterized from the start by respect for freedom in decision-making and participation of the users. That way both men and women from the communities involved in the proposals made by MARENASS have had to face the challenge of implementing directly the activities identified and requested by themselves.

In these two and a half years of activities, the project has been working with 280 farming communities and a same quantity of women's organizations, transferring funds directly to both types of organizations and stimulating development actions executed by them, as couples, families and organized groups.

The management of natural resources that is fostered emphasizes water, soil, flora and fauna and some more specific themes, such as water management, crops, pastureland and livestock management, soil conservation activities, forest management and finally management of cactus-silkworm.

Through the methodology of competitions (between families, groups or communities) around new skills or technologies, an increase in forest management activities has been fostered. The increase of these activities is noticed more at family level than at the community level. The increase in participation is a direct result of the expectation of a future income when community members learn from other experiences. The exchange of knowledge between communities is realized through field visits of some community leaders (men and women) known as yachachiqs, who afterwards are paid by the communities to promote new ideas the community select. The community may also hire outside technical assistance using project seed funds and the project list of available technicians.

The first year it is important to achieve the consolidation of transfer of funds and exchange of knowledge between farmers. For this reason, the general strategy is based on the extension, transfer and internationalization, by the communities, agricultural and livestock technologies that allow the recuperation and conservation of natural resources for production. The main objective of the project is obtaining a rational management of the resources, while improving and strengthening the condition and position of male and female farmers.

In this process, several strategies are used. The productive strategy also known as pachamama raymi (competitions) and the technical assistance strategy (seed fund, which diminishes over the three years period). Although the project directly transfers resources to the farming communities, the posterior transfer to the families and communities is realized through rewards in competitions, recognizing results rather than processes. Both are instrumental and they are aiming at the search for sustainability of the project, so that the introduced practices continue after the project finalizes.

The 5 pillars of the project are:
   Minimizing the presence of the project through the coordination and transference of responsibilities to the communities;
 
   Strengthening the existing organizational structures of farming communities;
 
   Incorporating women in equal conditions in the project activities and fomenting their direct participation in communal decision-making;
 
   Establishing an efficient institutional and administrative framework, which allows efficient management and transference of the resources by the Project and;
 
   Facilitating the participation of public and private institutions in the implemention of complementary efforts.

The process of facilitation for the development of capacities of rural people produces a growing number of initiatives by the actors in development, showing the institution (project) that community members do have proposals and projects and that it is possible for the project to adapt itself and support these processes.

The experience of the project shows that despite of socioeconomic levels and the physical difficulties and fragile ecosystems, it is possible to develop technical assistance for the management of productive natural resources, adapted to the farmers possibilities for payment and networked by the project. The preference for contracting technical assistance is directed towards successful farmers willing to share risks, transfer their technology and guarantee results. It is important that the institution subsidizes the initial stage of the technical assistance and facilitates programs that improve the quality of the technical assistance offered.

In a context that transfers directly responsibilities to the community members, it is redundant to introduce participatory methods and tools with the purpose to try to understand what the actors really want. On the other hand, gathering the knowledge of farmers and making it available to other farmers through competitions contributes to sharing the technological innovations horizontally.

Index
  PLANNING, FOLLOW-UP AND EVALUATION SYSTEM FOR THE POLICY OF BILANCE IN COLOMBIA


Gloria Esperanza Vela Mantilla


This paper presents an experience in Colombia with a participatory design of a planning, follow-up and evaluation system. The system uses as technical instruments an adaptation and simplification of the Logical Frame, applied within different levels: country (for policy), NGOs and Community Groups (for projects). They have also been using instruments for strategic planning, such as SWOL analysis applied to the context and the institution as a guide for the definition of implementation strategies.

The main technical and methodological characteristic of the Planning, Follow-up and Evaluation System - SPSE - is its prospective approach, because planning is not based on a appraisal of the situation but on the construction of a desired final situation. The initial situation is defined as a baseline more than an appraisal.

During the collection and analysis of the information, depending on the phase of the process and the type of information, different tools and techniques are used with focus on participation, such as Evaluative Workshops, Focus Groups, semi-structured Surveys with key informants and the community, sketch maps, transects, designs of individual landholdings and other tools of PRA.

The main problems that arose during the design and application of the SPSE:
 
   The usual formulation of projects is weak in relation to the definition of Final Situations, Annual Results and Initial Situations, as well as impact and result indicators.
 
   The reticence in NGOs with respect to the management of quantitative indicators and the weakness of Community Groups to formulate qualitative indicators. The methodology requires complementarity of both types of indicators.
 
   The weaknesses of male and female technicians of NGOs and members of Community Groups with respect to collecting and analysis of the information, required SPSE to convert the design phase into a training process. Local capacities were gained, but the process was slower. The methodologies, however, allowed sufficient flexibility and respected the rhythms and timing of the communities and NGOs.
 
   The fear of NGOs to formulate their proposals based on projects of Community Groups and to sign with them Cooperation Agreements. In the course of the application of the System, the importance of the Agreement became clear in order to make the relation between NGO and Community Groups more transparent and horizontal.

The main contributions of the SPSE are:
   Strengthens organizational capacities and skills for the administration of the project cycle; more clarity, unification of concepts, creation of common language, more discipline and rigor in the work and an integral system of PSE for the whole organization.
 
   Demonstrates the relation of all projects and actions of an organization to their goal.
 
   Contributes with conceptual elements and methodologies to the internal discussion and analysis of intervention strategies from the cross-cutting dimensions, such as gender, environment and democracy.
 
   Creates a follow-up and evaluation culture; foments working with processes instead of activities.
 
   Facilitates better informed decision-making and more integration between the administrative and technical, and the technical and the social issues.
 
   Reinforces the administration and negotiation capacity with other organizations and public and private entities, national and international, because it facilitates a more technical presentation of the obtained results. Improves skills to argue and negotiate proposals and/or projects with other social actors.
 
   Facilitates the formulation and implementation of actions that are better adapted to regional/local contexts and linked with local and/or regional Plans and Programs. Permits more integral views of the intervention and major coherence in and between proposals of different organizations.
 
   Facilitates the systematization of experiences on an institutional basis rather than a personal basis and allows access to more reliable information about the reality.
 
   Better identification and verification of intangible effects achieved through the intervention, by the formulation of mixed indicators with explicit verification scales.
 
   Contributes to the generation of more clarity in the relation between NGOs and community groups as to the timing, resources and results to be obtained, allowing the stipulation of agreements.
 
   Contributes to the creation of a positive attitude toward accountability and co-responsibility, for the generation of a "self-evaluation" culture.

Index

  SEEDS FOR FOREST DEVELOPMENT:
CONFLICTS, CONSENSUS AND NEGOTIATION BETWEEN ACTORS
Comparison of two experiences and methodological approaches to the management and administration of forest resources in Totonicapán, Guatemala


Fabricio Aguilar

Dagny Skarwan

Totonicapán is of interest for many organizations involved in forest development in Guatemala. Its forests, in relative good state despite existing social pressures, profoundly determine the character of the department and the Municipality. The traditional organizational culture (parcialidades) of the kichés of Totonicapán is based on their territory and their natural resources. The community forests are not detoriating, poverty lasts.

Within this context, two experiences are interesting in that they try to contribute with new knowledge for better preservation and management of the forests. ProBosques aims at the conservation of the community forest in a protected area managed under the concept of co-administration by the municipality, the organizations and the traditional local authorities. CDROBosque wants to play an advisory role to the parcialidades regarding a better management of their communal land.

These two experiences show in practice two different approaches to forest development. In CDROBosque the technical vision prevails, aimed at achieving the elaboration of management plans. In ProBosque, they try to increase the management capacities of the local actors, based on a new consensus between Community-Municipality-State.

The local powers and central actors that represent the population of Totonicapán do not include women. Although women have traditionally been more present in the forest, fulfilling management tasks, neither of the two projects has been able to find the key to major equity, starting from forest development.

Methodologies are applied by both approaches. Participation and good governance is clearly more supported by the vision of ProBosques. Conflicts flourish and creativity thrives.

ProBosques is profiled as a complete project with strategic relevance, combining many elements to create negotiation and consensus capacity at local level, based on an explicit and sensible recognition of traditional actors, customary rules and their management capacities.

CDROBosque is executed by an important local development organization with roots in the same communities (organizational structure POP) that propagates horizontal structures and participation. However, CDROBosque restricts itself to a technical approach without grasping the dimensions of participation and empowerment of the traditional actors in forest management.

The main lessons learned are:
   The experiences in Totonicapán also show that forest planning can only be started if its concepts have been clarified and a consensus about other determining factors related to responsibilities of local management, validity of control rules, land security, etc. are determined.
 
   ProBosques tries to promote community members to take control of planning. With the "Central Committee for the conservation of the forests and protection of communal resources" Uleu Che `Ja' (land, tree, water), they try to democratize the structures and the communication between the Administrative Council and the local committees.
 
   As an important methodological lesson to support the transition of traditional management into a more modern and technical management, the fundamental idea was confirmed: the process of deforestation and destruction cannot be reversed without an adequate and effective community participation.
 
   In both cases, the idea of Master Plans may, in the future, help to respond to the articulated interests of different community groups. But in the case of Totonicapán the concept of the Master Plan as a tool for modern forest management has, as yet, not had much chance to show its utility. There is a lot of distrust and even hostility. The experience in Totonicapán showed that the actual Management Plans do not represent the interests of community members.
 
   The joint decisions between community organizations and outside development organizations represented in the annual plans are positive, but they are not functional in the present institutional reality if they are used as intervention tools. CONAP, for example, requires the exact application of the formats established by them, this way questioning the validity of the agreements and interests expressed by the community.
 
   To contribute, for example, to improving forest management, it is important to be able to influence management and administration forms. In this case it won't be sufficient to have a Master Plan or Management Plan or to train authorities in organizational or administrative matters. It is important to know the mechanisms of communication. For instance in Totonicapán, local authorities or delegations are not independent, but work on the basis of orders, which are part of the oral tradition. During the annual transfer of authority, they encode the orders and this way they transmit the positive and negative aspects of the guidelines for local administration.
 
   The transformation of communal forests to protected forests in Totonicapán responds not just to the present trend of conservationism, but rather to the strengthened balanced and traditional forms of management by communal authorities, based on ancient rights and community participation.

Index
  INDIGENOUS GROUPS AND NATURAL RESOURCES
 
Romeo Tiu

It is necessary to analyze the participation of the Maya people in the management, control and administration of natural resources from a socio-cultural and point of view and the economic relations existing within this group. For this reason, it is necessary to understand how modern and external methods influence traditional management methods and how they put pressure on the resources, threatening sustainability.  

The paper demonstrates that by means of a collective administration of the resources it is possible to identify mechanisms of self-control and community supervision that result in less severe violation of community rules as in other places where social indigenous structures have been replaced by other structures. It is emphasized that indigenous communities have the following characteristics:
   Collectivity in the management of their affairs, decision making, land tenure and employment;
   Assistance, mutual help and spirituality.

The key for good management of the natural resources of communal land is consequently the result of the following facts:
   Internal supervision and control by people of the communities;
   Existence of a set of rules (indigenous or community);
   No interference of outsiders, in particular government organizations;
   Well defined indigenous structures;
   Indigenous authorities with responsibility for administrating natural resources;
   Rational use of the resources.

However, these facts are affected by other things that endanger the sustainability of the management of the resources:
   Conversion of collective land into private;
   The possibilities of quick remuneration by external companies to mining the natural resources;
   Discrepancies between traditional religious beliefs and external religions;
   Laws not in accordance with the social, political, economic and cultural reality of indigenous communities;
   Conflicts between communities about the management of community land;
   Debilitation of community structures;
   Lack of legal acknowledgement of indigenous rights and authorities;
   Lack of control of offences against forest resources by national authorities.

The paper presents a description of the role of indigenous authorities in the management of natural resources, emphasizing the role of "chiefs" who act like advisors for the communities; assistant mayors in charge of resolving internal conflicts as well as functioning as intermediary with government authorities; forest-guards (previously chosen by the communities and now paid by the State, making sure that the communities have support with protecting the forest; and the specialized people (fontaneros) hired by the communities to supervise and manage the water resource.

Referring to organizations that are legally in charge of the care for the forest resources and protected areas, it is stated that the relations are tense because of the lack of communication between these institutions and the communities.  

Index

  MALE AND FEMALE FARMERS AND INDIGENOUS PEOPLE AS PROTAGONISTS IN THE DEFINITION OF THEIR FUTURE DEVELOPMENT
 
Doralice Ortíz Ortíz

Opportunities for participation have been made available by the promulgation of the Colombian Political Constitution of 1991. It aims at achieving a more self-sufficient country, with better education and awareness of its citizens, in order to find a way to improve their livelihoods through sharing all decisions and responsibilities between all men and women.   

Within this institutional frame, the PACOFOR project (Development of community participation in the forest sector) is implemented. Its general development objective is "to contribute to the sustainable improvement of the living standards of farmers and indigenous families through the self-administration of forestry and agroforestry activities in which the protagonists of the identification, design, implementation and evaluation are the communities.

The project area includes the highland marginal coffee zone and the warmer zones of the inter Andinian valley including the rivers Cauca and Magdalena, in the departments of Caldas, Quindio, Risaralda and Tolima. The total population of these departments is, according to the census of the DANE in 1993, 3'655'476, including 97 districts, of which 30 are included in the project area.

The communities participating in the project live in politically delimited areas, identified as "veredas".

These are, on the one hand, Farmer communities, inhabited by small (2 to 5 ha) landholders and medium small (6 to 15 ha) landholders, dedicated mostly to the practice of agriculture: coffee, associated with agricultural products for family consumption.

On the other hand, there are Indigenous communities where people also live on small farms. These communities have a high concentration of population and an economy depending mainly on the cultivation of coffee, although there are also indigenous artisans, an activity to which both men and women are dedicated.

The communities, farmer as well as indigenous, have an average of 500 habitants, corresponding to about 80 - 100 families.

The components of the methodology of PACOFOR are:
Approach to the community
Definition of interesting themes
Orientation on organization and community participation
Identification of gender relations
Forest community self-diagnostic
Alternatives for sustainable development
Formulation of agroforest community projects
Community forest management plan

The work done by PACOFOR was limited by: (1) the paternalism to which the communities were used to, (2) political interference in the nomination of officials, (3) restrictions in counterpart funds and (4) the machismo that limited the participation of women.

The elements that have stimulated the activities were, among others:
   Permanent coordination and working relation between the grassroots, institutions and municipal Administration;
 
   Educational processes about aspects requested by the community;
 
   Planning on the basis of watersheds, emphasizing the participation of and the collaboration between bordering communities that present similar characteristics with respect to the productive system;
 
   Formation of rural promoters, men and women, trained as professional technicians in the management of natural resources;
 
   Adoption of different projects and demonstration parcels on an individual as well as a community bases;
 
   Increased value of farms after the establishment of different management systems;
 
   Promotion of women's participation in project activities;
 
   Community nursery, which besides providing seed for community use, or their commercialization, opened a space for (1) the organization and community participation, (2) technical transfer and (3) environmental education;
 
   Participatory strategies that have promoted the recuperation of traditional techniques, such as the "minga" mostly used in indigenous communities and the "convite" developed by farmer communities.

This context permitted the formulation of a second phase to consolidate the processes initiated with communities in the central coffee region of Colombia.

Index
  PROMOTING COMMUNITY LAND USE PLANNING IN THE FORESTRY EJIDOS OF QUINTANA ROO. OBSERVATIONS AND EXPERIENCES FROM THE FIELD.

Dawn Robinson

Quintana Roo, Mexico, is internationally recognized for the communal management of their tropical forests, once described as "probably the biggest, most important and successful examples of forest management in Latin-America." During the period from 1983 until 1996, more than 40 communities, known as ejidos, received assistance from a pilot program known as the Plan Piloto Forestal (PPF) in order to initiate the transfer of forest management activities from external timber harvesting companies to the local communities (ejidos).

One of the basic ideas of the PPF is "to stop the destruction of forest resources, converting the forest in an economic alternative for the ejidatarios. Instead of eliminating the forest and dedicating the land to other purposes", This would be achieved by a system of regulated forest harvesting to acheive "the integration of forestry with agriculture and livestock farming, in which the form is the nuclear activity".

In order to obtain a permit for forest harvesting, an ejido, had to establish a forest reserve, known as Permanent Forest Area (PFA), which needed to be inventoried at least partially. The decision to create PFAs was taken at the level of the ejidal assembly and required  considerable extension assistance by the technical team of the PPF.

The current political tendencies, both National and State, tend to promote private property over the ejidal system. Nevertheless there still are strong arguments to work with the ejido as a planning unit; while when decision making about the management of the agricultural land pastures takes place at the level of individual landholdings, the repercussions affect the community as a whole: there are ecological consequences, for example due to changes in the population of wild life, environmental consequences such as with pollution due to the use of pesticides, or social consequences such as the creation of a demand for labor.

The action-research project of the University of Quintana Roo (UQROO) described here, tried to define a collection of methods that facilitate a process of community-based analysis and planning in forestry ejidos. Essentially, this project was designed to build on acquired experiences in participatory research and to apply them in forest communities, as well as to search for ways to stimulate community land use planning as a complement or alternative, to the "Territorial Regulation" promoted by the government.

The approach used by UQROO personnel was based on the "participatory action-research" approach, involving the community members in the search and systematization of the information about their communal lands and resources, as a preliminary step towards greater empowerment and increasing their confidence in determining their own future.

The most important elements of the methodology were: (i) Selection of the communities in cooperation with organizations that worked closely with them (ii) Search for complementary information about the community; (iii) Formation of a core group of people prepared to participate throughout the process; (iv) Establishment of agreements about the method to be followed, the commitments by researchers and participants, as well as the expected results; (v) Thematic workshops; (vi) Elaboration of maps of the ejidos; (vii) Field trips to share the understanding of the natural resources of the ejido; (viii) Elaboration of a final document or report; (ix) Formal return of the information and results to the communities; and, (x) The design of internal monitoring systems.

The research allowed the identification of the following strengths:
   Formation of the team. It is important to form a core group of participants who are prepared to follow the entire process and take ownership of the proyect.
 
   Incorporation of transects within the community territory.  Field visits with a clear purpose help to initiate discussions about the access to communal resources and current problems.
 
   Emphasis on leaving something written in the communities. This is distinct from simply giving-back information; it refers to  designing the collection of information from the beginning  to take into account its utility for the decision-makers within the community.
 
   Flexibility. Regarding the selection of themes for the workshops.
 
   Mechanisms to keep the authorities and the General Assembly informed about the progress of the work.
 
   It is indispensable to use tools such as maps to emphasize the consequences of certain decisions and the possible conflicts between activities.
 
   A system of reiterative internal monitoring. It was shown to be useful to have a system of internal feedback in the shape of form that were filled out after each workshop, journey or meeting.

The identified weaknesses of the process are:
   A final evaluation system of the work was not designed.
 
   There were not enough links created with Civil Societies or other organizations with continuos presence in the communities. For this reason, the incorporation of forest technicians into the process was not achieved.  
 
   In the case of one ejido, where no planning team was formed not as many people took part in the workshops as had been hoped, thus emphasizing the need to form a group of committed participants to ensure continuity.
 
   A greater emphasis on the production of baseline data, generated jointly with the community, is required.

Observations and Conclusions

It is clear that the ejidos have suffered from a lack of support with regard to capacity building in the areas of management, communication, decision-making, and production organization. As more and more regional planning projects by-pass the ejido as a management and planning unit, the introduction of mapping and the promotion of planning and discussion with the communities becomes more urgent.  

At the start of the PPF there was a greater availability of institutional support to ejido organization, once described as "an accompaniment of the people" rather than extension. The experience of the UQROO team indicates that today there is a need to re-emphasize this "accompaniment" this time in the identification of problems and the search for their solutions, carried out by the community members themselves. It is hoped that the methods described here contribute toward this process.

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  PARTICIPATORY METHODOLOGIES FOR SUSTAINABLE FOREST DEVELOPMENT

Margarita Oseguera de Ochoa

Nowadays there is more awareness about the need to use a participatory community process in sustainable development. The capacity of the population to contribute to solving their own problems and participate actively in national and regional development is recognized. It is recognized that strengthening this capacity has a meaningful impact in terms of economical and social growth and consolidation of democratic processes. Participation only has meaning when it is a conscious action and represents a real intervention of the population organized with a deliberate decision making and search for alternatives to solve problems caused by poverty; when it represents the involvement of the community in the structures of local and national power.

In Honduras, there exists an experience with municipal management of forest resources in Lepaterique. This experience has shown that stimulation of conscious participation is part of a process of collective apprenticeship. It was found that it is not possible that just one participatory exercise leads to irreversible change, even less with population that has had little or no space to practice it. It is not possible to use quick solutions to solve complex problems. This experience showed that for the poor to take self-determined initiatives there is a need for:
   Creating awareness as to the reality, in which they live; especially thinking of poverty and isolation as a result of specific social forces instead of seeing them as an inherent deficiency to their condition, or as "destiny".
 
   Based on this judgment, appropriating their collective skills to realize positive changes in the daily situation and around these proposals organize themselves.

It has been calculated that there are about 12 thousand indigenous and farming communities in Central-America, which live in forest areas, with maybe around 15 million people. An increasing percentage of them depend on forestry activities as a way of survival. Participation facilitates human interaction, permits economics, social, cultural and political processes to take place, and facilitates the population practice an increased control over events linked to their reality.

The Central-American Farmer and Indigenous Organization for Community Forestry CICAFOC has defined community forestry as a land use system, which intends to maximize economic productivity and sustainability, involving the local community in planning processes and management of forest recourses. " It is linked to processes of taking decisions, which involve the communities, from the formulation and planning till the implementation, follow-up and evaluation of projects. It protects the environment and does not separate the communities from their natural resources. It is a common initiative, of working together or with mutual help, equitable distribution of benefits and shared responsibility." The starting point is the recovery of men and women's knowledge about the use and management of their resources, supported by interinstitutional and interdisciplinary processes of self-administration.
   
In this context, the priority is that communities learn to formulate their own development demands through participatory processes, identifying clearly the social benefits, available resources and conditions that present themselves.

An intervention model with the following phases is proposed:
   Meeting community-institutions
   The community identifies its problems
   Formulation of productive proposals
   Implementation of productive proposals
   Systemization and evaluation of the process
   The community conforms to the sustainability of the process
   Multiplication of the experience

The process has the following characteristics
   It is dynamic with respect to the interaction between different stakeholders (communities, municipal authorities, local organizations, institutions).
 
   Facilitation of the process is done by professionals and technicians of different disciplines who are aware of changes in the community and who are experienced in social aspects, can maintain dynamism and are creative in their work.
 
   The planning of activities is realized with participation of all stakeholders involved, assuring the adoption of agreements; the follow-up and responsibilities are shared and is opportunistic and inclusive in its decision making.
 
   Training of the local cadre to fulfil the role of facilitators, promoters, and to develop permanent connections between communities, municipalities and institutions.
 
   Men and women in communities have equal opportunities. Gender approach and its concrete application is a constant that will be progressively clarified.
 
   Grassroots organizations participate actively in the processes and in decision making, from the design of the programs and projects until the formulation of social policies at governmental level.
 
   Investigations, socioeconomic studies, participatory diagnostics take place during the process.
 
   The municipalities are involved as key actors in the process, as a factor for sustainability of undertaken activities and guaranty of the fulfillment of agreements, pacts and decisions.

The experience of Lepaterique showed that development processes promoted through a broad community consultation (assembly of habitants) and continuous training programs not only stimulated the recovery of local power but also guaranteed the sustainability of the action in the long run.  

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  FOREST CONCESSIONS AND COMMUNITY PARTICIPATION IN THE RESERVE OF THE MAYA BIOSPHERE, PETÉN

Juventino Gálvez R.
Fernando Carrera G.

One of the most promising forms of co-administration to stimulate and strengthen active participation of rural communities and to make socioeconomic development compatible with environmental conservation is the mechanism of forest concessions for the integral management of natural resources, which CONAP has started in the Multiple Use Zone (ZUM) of the Reserve of the Maya Biosphere (RBM) in Petén, Guatemala.

At the moment (January 2000), seven community concessions (246,667 ha) have been granted and three more will be soon awarded (108,673 ha), waiting for the final phase of signing the respective contract. It is expected to have in the year 2,000 a total of 355,000 ha managed under co-administration with community groups.

The mechanism of co-administration implemented by CONAP, and explicitly mentioned in the "National Policy and Development Strategy of the SIGAP", is based on participation of two groups (the concessionaire communities and the State, represented by CONAP), through a common objective, benefiting both and, in this case, the society as a whole.

Obtained results
   Slow down of the advance of the agricultural frontier. This result is partly thanks to the implementation of the established management plans, but mainly to the strengthening of the traditional productive systems, principally agricultural, with timber and non-timber forest activities.
 
   Control of immigration. Concessionairy communities, based on their internal rules and regulations and the contractual clauses with CONAP, use methods to limit the arrival of new families.
 
   More employment. The activities linked to forest management have provided a major source of work available in the communities, allowing diversification of family income.
 
   Major income. Community concessions have fostered an increase of income of the community members through the generation of remunerated jobs.
 
   Development of community infrastructure. The utilities of the communities have allowed the funding of social infrastructure such as roads, clinics, schools, communal halls, drinking-water.
 
   Development of technical and administrative capacities. There is more knowledge about the application of forest harvesting techniques with low impact, management of non-timber products, administrative-accounting aspects and a strengthened organizational structure.
 
   Change of individual to collective mentality. The granting of forest concessions of the functioning of the Management Units has motivated collective interests and fomented a change of mentality towards major identification with community interests.
 
   Change of attitude and perception. The tangible benefits received by the communities are stimulating a change of attitude and perception of seeing the forest not as an obstacle, but rather as a supplier of goods and services.
 
   International recognition of good management "Sello Verde". The management realized in the concessions has been internationally recognized as a source of "good management of timber products whose forest management activities correspond with the strict forest, environmental and socioeconomic standards and are in harmony with the principles and criteria of the World Council for Forest Management.

Limitations
   Lack of information. Adequate knowledge is lacking about the ecology and management of non-timber forest products, dynamics of the forest, marketing and commercialization aspects in order to diversify production.
 
   Few timber species with high commercial value. The market demand has been focusing almost exclusively on Cedar (Cedrela odorata) and Mahogany (Swietenia macrophylla). Valuable unknown species (called secondary), which are the most abundant in the forest, maintain a very low price and a restricted market.
 
   Lack of effective consortium organization. It is necessary to extend the organizational level of the management unit towards a consortium level, especially for more efficiency in technical assistance, access to markets, investment in productive infrastructure.
 
   Conflict of interest. Extreme conservationists are one group that wish to stop all use in protected areas and therefore try to block the granting of community concessions.
The participation

The indicators mentioned in the paper seem to indicate that the participation of the communities has evolved further then being passive beneficiaries in a policy of co-administration proposed and initiated by CONAP.

However, this process is so fragile that the loss of leadership by CONAP and a weak monitoring of the process as well as lack of interest from communities may result in a regression and loss of credibility in the co-administration mechanism.

Most cited indicators that refer to the results of participation show that the forest management process through concessions is advancing positively. It is a very technical process with many management units already having received international certification. They are politically supported, juridically solid, and based on the direct demand by interested groups. The sustainability of the process, however, depends on how far the life of concessionaires improves and on the success of the administration and sustainability of these improvements.   For this, the participatory methodologies are key elements.

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